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India’s Kumbha: a testament to the world’s largest traditional gathering to build social capital 

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Author: Nitish Parwani In 2025 Prayag, a city that dates back thousands of years, hosted the Maha Kumbha Mela, which has concluded, leaving behind a historic testament to faith, logistical prowess, and the sheer power of collective participation. The occasion was tipped to be monumental in scale. What transpired seems to have exceeded all expectations and redefined the scale of human convergence. With reports indicating that over 660 million pilgrims attended across the 45-day gathering, the initial estimate of 400 million, a gargantuan number in and of itself, was dwarfed. This staggering figure indicates the immense pull of an ancient tradition. Hindus from across the world of all ages, castes, class, creed, and race merged into one confluence of humanity. Coupled with this are the logistical challenges that were successfully navigated in bringing together such vast numbers of diverse people from across the world.   A ₹63.82 billion (roughly US$740 million) budget is nothing to sneeze at for a country like India, which has so many other commitments and priorities: combating poverty on the one hand and satisfying the 21st century ambitions of its 500 million middle class on the other. But Indian culture has always been a blend of religiosity and mercantilism, and the Kumbha was no different. The Kumbha generated approximately ₹ 3 trillion (US$35 billion) in economic activity, representing a 47x Return on Investment. However, reducing the Kumbha to mere economic arithmetic would be to misconstrue the occasion, and run against the spirit of which it stands for. The gathering has a profound spiritual significance for pilgrims; and beyond this, it has also provided a critical case study in social capital, large-scale volunteerism, and the management of a temporary city of unimaginable proportions.  Central to the Kumbha experience was to witness the enduring spirit of seva, or selfless service. On 29th January, for instance, nearly 100 million people were present in the city. Yet, amidst this sea of humanity, in a country with 400 million citizens who live below the poverty line, not one person apparently went hungry. Food was available for all, not as a commodity to be bought, but as a selfless offering. Massive community kitchens sprang up across the Mela grounds, throughout the Mela period, offering fine delicacies and beverages to one and all. There were no price tags, no transactions, and no expectations. In fact, any attempt to offer money in return was met with a firm refusal, and sometimes even disapproval. The spirit that fuelled these mammoth kitchens was seva, where feeding another was an act of devotion, a way to serve the divine present in each pilgrim.  The spirit of voluntary service extended beyond food. Teams of medics from across the country arrived to offer free medical aid. Organisations like the ‘National Medico Organisation’ set up free health camps, while initiatives like ‘Netra Kumbha’ provide eye check-ups and cataract surgeries at no cost. Numerous ashrams and organisations established free medical camps, reinforcing the idea that healthcare, like food, should be available to all, irrespective of status or wealth.   A unique economic model sustained the operations of this large scale without direct financial transactions, making Kumbha-Mela a case study for economists. Reserving that discussion for another article, this piece focuses on another currency: social capital. As thinkers like Pierre Bourdieu (1986) and Robert Putnam (2000) have discussed, social capital is the foundation upon which communities thrive. It is the trust, the networks, and the shared values that bind people together and enable cooperation beyond personal or material gain. India’s enduring civilisation owes much to this invisible wealth.   The Kumbha Mela is a living laboratory for studying ‘social capital’ and seva. The 2025 event, with its record-breaking attendance, provided a critical test of this concept. The volunteering activities and the ‘infrastructure of goodwill’ complemented the state’s efforts, proving that formal governance alone cannot sustain a society—people’s willingness to give and serve is just as crucial. The successful deployment of police and security forces, alongside tens of thousands of sanitation workers and countless volunteers, demonstrated the power of coordinated action. The achievement of multiple Guinness World Records, including the largest simultaneous river clean-up and the highest number of volunteers participating in a single-site cleanliness drive, testified the collective commitment to a shared goal.   At the Kumbha, the barriers of class, caste, and status were eclipsed by social capital. A rickshaw puller, who earns his livelihood on daily wages, can be seen distributing food alongside a wealthy jeweller. An IT professional was washing dishes next to students like many of those in our group from Oxford, who saved for months just to attend the Mela. In these acts of service, the distinctions seemed to fade. However, despite the powerful spirit of equality demonstrated by the volunteers, there were few occasions where the presence of VIP movements seemed to dilute this. Special enclosures and privileges for certain groups stood in contrast to the overarching ethos of the Mela, momentarily disrupting the otherwise seamless breaking of class barriers.   The Kumbha also defied the common perception of discrimination based on caste or class in India. Pilgrims took a dip in the sacred waters together, served side by side in voluntary activities, and ate from the same community kitchens, breaking long-held social barriers. No one asked about caste or economic background when offering or receiving food, medical aid, or other services. The Mela created a space where the human identity transcends constructed divisions, reaffirming the idea that collective well-being is greater than individual differences.  The 2025 Maha Kumbha Mela has concluded, but its legacy will endure. It has demonstrated the remarkable capacity of human organisation, the enduring power of faith, and the transformative potential of social capital.     

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India’s Green Energy Transition: A Strategic Imperative for Economic and Energy Security

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Author: sachin nandha, trustee and director Introduction The global energy paradigm is shifting at an unprecedented pace. Countries that take decisive action today will shape the future economic and geopolitical order. Renewable energy, electrification, and sustainable industries are no longer just climate necessities but have become economic imperatives. Brazil’s recent announcement of a $6 trillion investment in energy transition by 2050 signals the emergence of a new global economic hierarchy, one where clean energy is a foundation of economic power. India, with its rapid economic growth, rising energy demand, and global leadership aspirations, cannot afford to lag. India has made remarkable progress, achieving over 220 GW of renewable energy capacity in a relatively short space of time, and leads international initiatives like the International Solar Alliance (ISA). However, the pace of transformation must accelerate. The transition to clean energy is not simply a goal, but a prerequisite for economic stability, energy security, and industrial competitiveness in the 21st century. This article explores the strategic imperative of India’s energy transition, focusing on the roles of renewables: how the cost of green hydrogen needs to be brought down; Nuclear energy: by introducing Small Modular Reactors into the mix; Securing critical minerals: by accelerating domestic mining projects; and Climate finance: how India can attract the $10 trillion it needs: by expanding the Green bond market and establishing a carbon exchange market. It outlines policy measures, investment strategies, and private-public partnerships necessary for positioning India as a global leader in clean energy innovation. The Growing Energy Demand and the Need for Transition India’s energy demand is projected to double by 2050, driven by urbanisation, industrialisation, and population growth. The country is currently the third-largest consumer of energy and is heavily dependent on fossil fuel imports, which account for over 80% of crude oil consumption. Comparison to Top Consumers It is particularly worth noting that the average Chinese citizen consumes almost three times as much as the average Indian. This is largely due to India’s significantly smaller industrial base, as well as relatively smaller income per capita. As of 2023, India’s per capita income was a trifling $2,500, and even adjusted for Purchasing Power Parity, only $9,000. The PPP figure broadly correlates with China’s income per capita being almost three times as much. India’s demand for energy (*Projected estimates)   Without swift intervention, India will be at risk from rising energy costs, increasing trade deficits, and exposed to high inflation. India’s heavy reliance on imported fossil fuels – with over 80% of its crude oil, and 50% of its natural gas coming from foreign sources – makes it highly vulnerable to global energy price fluctuations. Any surge in oil prices directly impacts India’s trade deficit, increasing the cost of imports and leading to inflationary pressures across industries and households. This dependence also weakens energy security, since geopolitical tensions, such as conflicts in the Middle East or OPEC production cuts, can disrupt supply chains and cause price volatility. Without a swift transition to a domestic mix of renewable and nuclear energy sources, India will continue to face economic instability, and fiscal strain on its national economy. Investing in clean energy is not just an environmental necessity but a strategic economic imperative to ensure long-term stability and energy independence. The urgency to transition is further reinforced by the escalating impact of climate change. In 2023 alone, India experienced extreme climate events, including record-breaking heatwaves, devastating floods, and prolonged droughts, all of which underscore the urgent need for a resilient and sustainable energy ecosystem. The country recorded its hottest February in 122 years, impacting agriculture and water availability. In June, catastrophic floods in Assam displaced over 5 million people, while Mumbai saw its heaviest July rainfall in four decades, disrupting transportation and economic activity. Meanwhile, the rest of Maharashtra, and states like Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu faced severe drought conditions, with over 200 reservoirs running critically low, affecting irrigation and drinking water supplies. These climate-induced disasters resulted in economic losses exceeding $18 billion, emphasising the high cost of inaction. Without a rapid transition to clean energy, India will continue to face rising climate risks, economic damage, and environmental instability, threatening both human and economic security. The Role of Nuclear Energy in India’s Clean Energy Future While solar and wind power are critical, they are intermittent energy sources and require backup solutions. Nuclear power provides stable, zero-carbon electricity and is essential for ensuring a secure, 24/7 power supply. India’s nuclear capacity currently stands at 7 GW, contributing only 2% of total electricity generation. The government has set ambitious targets to increase nuclear capacity to 22 GW by 2030 and 50 GW by 2050. India has a unique advantage in nuclear energy: vast thorium reserves. Unlike uranium, thorium is more abundant and safer as a fuel source. India has already initiated a three-stage nuclear program that prioritises the use of pressurised heavy water reactors (PHWRs), fast breeder reactors (FBRs), and advanced thorium reactors. India has been actively collaborating with global partners to accelerate nuclear infrastructure development, regulatory modernisation, and advanced reactor deployment. Two of the most significant partnerships in this domain are with France and the United States, both of which aim to enhance India’s nuclear capacity and technological capabilities. Signed Agreement: The deal between EDF (Électricité de France) and NPCIL (Nuclear Power Corporation of India Limited) was reaffirmed in 2023, advancing technical studies and financial negotiations. Strategic Benefits: Jaitapur will provide carbon-free electricity for 70 million homes. Technology Transfer & Fuel Supply: France has also committed to long-term nuclear fuel supply and technology transfer, helping India advance its nuclear expertise.   India-France Nuclear Agreement India and France have been long-term nuclear partners, and their collaboration has deepened under India’s civil nuclear program. The most notable agreement involves the construction of six European Pressurised Reactors (EPRs) in Jaitapur, Maharashtra, which, once operational, will generate 9.6 GW of nuclear power, making it the largest nuclear power project in the world.   India-USA Civil Nuclear Cooperation & Small Modular Reactors (SMRs)

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Protecting British Democracy from Big Tech’s Big Money

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Author: Pravar Petkar, Head of Strengthening Democracy Desk Who do politicians work for? Modern democracy relies on decision-makers being accountable to the people they govern. Yet political parties seem increasingly in thrall to those with deep pockets, ranging from well-heeled private donors to the titanic influence of Elon Musk on Donald Trump’s re-election campaign. The risk to British democracy has been laid bare by rumours that Musk was planning a $100 million donation to Reform UK. In this climate, the UK must urgently introduce a monetary cap on donations to political parties and needs more extensive public education for citizens on political party funding.  The holes in the current framework  The UK’s regulatory framework for donations to political parties is relatively relaxed. There is no formal cap on how much any donor can donate to a political party. Donations under £500 need not be reported, whilst those over £11,180 must be by law, a threshold increased from £7,500 in early 2024. The transparency of one’s financial transactions is the only real limit in play. Transparency is also having to do more work than ever before: the outgoing Conservative Government increased the general election campaign expenditure limit for each party from £30,000 to £54,010 per constituency, alongside other limits relating to candidates’ expenses. If parties and candidates can spend more, fundraising efforts – and larger and larger donations – will only increase. As Tom Brake has recently pointed out, this situation is exacerbated by donations made by unincorporated associations. These bodies range from golf clubs to dining societies and need not report their finances in the way charities or companies do.  In comparison to the UK’s European neighbours, state funding for political parties is minimal, producing a reliance on private donations. Following the 2024 General Election, just under £7 million was distributed to opposition parties in the House of Commons in ‘short money’ to support parliamentary business, travel costs and the Leader of the Opposition’s office. An additional £1.9 million was disbursed in policy development grants across all political parties in the 2023-24 financial year. In Germany, by contrast, the cap on state funding of political parties in 2024 was €219 million, with private donations a much smaller financial source.  Despite this, the UK is better-off than some other major democracies around the world. For the last 15 years, since the famous Citizens United decision, corporations in the USA have been able to spend unlimited amounts on elections, since any restrictions are considered by the US Supreme Court to violate free speech rights. Meanwhile, India’s Supreme Court declared in February 2024 that it was unconstitutional for political parties to receive donations through anonymous promissory notes termed ‘Electoral Bonds’.  Whilst this protects voters’ rights to information in form, it may also increase the number of unreported cash donations to parties, thus making Indian democracy more opaque.  Why Musk’s donations are a new kind of threat  In this landscape, Musk’s donations – as well as those of any other social media giants – raise a new kind of threat for democracy. All political parties need some form of funding, whether from private donors or the state, to finance their campaigns and provide a space for those with similar political views to assemble and exchange ideas. Yet major private donors can also leverage their financial hold over parties to secure their desired political outcomes, or simply turn a profit.   Musk poses not only this threat, but one that strikes at the heart of any democracy Increasingly, social media platforms such as X not only aspire to be the public sphere, but are it. Research by Ofcom in 2023 shows that 47% of UK adults use social media for news, rising to 71% of 16–24-year-olds. Those like Musk and Mark Zuckerberg who own and control social media platforms have almost unrestricted power to control what ideas can be exchanged in these public spaces, with no accountability to their users or to government. When this power is turned towards the interests of one political party, democracy is eroded from within, because electoral politics is no longer a level playing field. Musk’s role in government following Trump’s re-election should raise alarm bells here, as should his recent appearance at an Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) rally ahead of the German federal elections in February. Because of this, policymakers cannot treat the owners of social media companies as they would any other private donor: more extensive restrictions and transparency requirements are needed because such donations open up multiple paths to influencing elections.   A cap on donations is needed  Discussion about a cap on donations to political parties has intensified in recent weeks in the UK. In an Opinium poll carried out for pressure group Unlock Democracy, two-thirds of the 2,000-odd respondents across parties supported some limits on donations. The Leader of the Liberal Democrats, Sir Ed Davey, raised a question in Parliament on the matter on 8 January 2025, reiterating a position from his party’s 2024 spring conference. Most recently, Liberal Democrat MP Manuela Perteghella introduced a Bill into the House of Commons on 12 February 2025 to impose a fair cap on donations and outlaw foreign donations. Since Musk might use a British subsidiary of X to make a donation, a cap is the most straightforward option for tackling the challenge he poses: it will ensure that nobody – Musk or otherwise – could donate $100m to one party in one go.  Where that cap is set is another matter entirely. Recent commentary for The Constitution Society argues that there is no ‘silver bullet’ for reforming party funding: any cap on donations would “significantly reduce party income and expenditure”, to the detriment of parties’ ability to engage the electorate and hold governments to account. Although political parties today are often viewed as tribal fronts, rather like rival football teams, a political world made up solely of independent politicians would lack the infrastructure to regularly bring elected politicians at all levels and the public together to campaign around

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Youth Political Engagement in the US, UK, and India: New Forms of Activism 

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Author: Chloe Schuber, Research & Operations Assistant : Strengthening Democracy Desk Traditional democratic systems, such as those in the US, UK, and India, often marginalise youth voices due to a complex interplay of cultural factors. Older demographics tend to dominate policymaking and shape the issues that receive the most attention in elections.  Traditional political structures are often slow to adapt to the evolving needs and perspectives of newer generations, therefore, young people frequently feel disenfranchised and disconnected. Limited access to and influence over mainstream political channels further reinforces this sense of exclusion. Over the past decade however, digital platforms have reshaped youth engagement with politics, from self-education to empowering them towards action. This has facilitated the creation of online communities and movements which allow young people’s voices to be heard at an unprecedented scale. Tangible policy changes are a key objective in these movements whose online activism translates into real-world impact. This exponential increase in youth engagement raises the question:   Can digital engagement empower youth to overcome these barriers and drive meaningful policy-level impact?  Firstly, it is clear young people are using and engaging in digital activism increasingly. Digital tools are empowering youth mobilisation. The #NeverAgain movement exemplifies this. Following the 2018 Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School (MSD) shooting in Parkland, Florida, twenty students united to create a survivor-led movement. This group toured the US, encouraging young people to vote in the 2018 mid-term elections, demanding legislative action on gun control, specifically targeting the National Rifle Association (NRA). The March for Our Lives, organised by Never Again MSD, saw thousands protesting across the United States and internationally. Social media was instrumental in disseminating information and raising awareness; #MarchForOurLives was used 3.6 million times, and over seven thousand tweets targeted the NRA’s social media account. Individuals were mobilised through these events, both in person and on platforms like Twitter and Instagram. The MSD Public Safety Act, passed in Florida in March 2018, included increased funding for school security and raising the minimum age for gun purchase from 18 to 21. The raw emotion conveyed by the survivors through social media generated widespread awareness, leading to increased gun regulation in Florida, despite the NRA’s strong lobbying presence and ties to the Republican majority in the state legislature. Youth-led digital activism translated online momentum into state-level legislative change.  Secondly, it is important to understand the challenges in youth representation and how to empower this demographic towards meaningful change. These challenges are primarily cultural, as educational attainment and experience are typically seen as prerequisites for political influence, serving as indicators of credibility, competence, and leadership skills. Young people often feel excluded from politics due to a lack of representation and the limited attention  that major political parties pay to this demographic. Apathy must be addressed. In the UK, for example, youth-led organisations are demonstrating that change is possible. My Life My Say (MLMS) aims to empower young people from underrepresented communities to participate in UK decision-making processes. Since 2013, they have reached over six million young people through various innovative initiatives designed to bridge this gap. Their initiatives include Democracy Cafes, with over 700 sessions reaching over 40,000 people, providing forums for discussion on local issues. They also host the Next Gen Youth Summit, bringing together leaders, activists, and academics to engage on key subjects; organised mass mobilisation for National Voter Registration Day, registering just under half a million people; and founded the Give an X campaign to encourage young people to become more informed and politically active, starting with voting.   Thirdly, policy change through activism is occurring globally, not just in Western countries. Digital platforms are transforming youth activism, enabling young people to address systemic issues such as discrimination or inequality and demand accountability. While India has a younger population than Western countries, governance remains led by older generations due to deeply rooted political and societal structures. The nationwide protests following the 2012 Nirbhaya gang rape in India highlight how digital tools drove meaningful reforms led by youth. The rape and murder of a 23-year-old woman, later named Nirbhaya (‘fearless’), in Delhi sparked widespread outrage. Social media platforms not only amplified survivor stories but also became crucial tools for organising protests and pressuring policymakers. This case, one of many highlighting gender violence and systemic neglect, resonated nationally. The widespread protests led to government commitments to improve women’s safety in India. Across states, measures such as 24/7 helplines, stricter penalties for sexual crimes, the criminalisation of stalking and voyeurism under the Criminal Law (Amendment) Act of 2013, and the establishment of Fast Track Special Courts (FTSCs) to expedite sexual offence trials were introduced. Under the Nirbhaya Fund, hundreds of CCTV cameras were installed across Delhi, and panic buttons were installed on buses to alert emergency services. This case was a landmark example of online mobilisation leading to legal, infrastructural, and cultural changes. Digital activism can amplify individual cases, transforming them into resonant national messages, empowering victims of systemic injustice or endangerment. Digital tools can trigger significant shifts in mentalities and values.  Finally, this empowering and meaningful engagement cannot occur without prior preparation and education for young people. Policy makers are crucial in equipping them with the necessary tools and systems to communicate their needs and demands for change. Across democracies, both top-down opportunities, such as formal platforms for youth voices to be heard, and bottom-up readiness, starting with education are necessary to further this engagement. Platforms to develop digital literacy coupled with civic skills would allow young people to maximise the impact and make their needs heard through activism. Digital activism allows for more organised and impactful action, consolidating the common and key demands of specific groups. The UK Youth Parliament exemplifies a digital platform providing youth representation. Over a million votes were cast in its 2018 elections, representing a 20% turnout of the 11-18 year old population. While insufficient to fully represent all young people, and catering to those aged 11 to 18, it nonetheless demonstrates innovative initiatives to empower future generations

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The Looming Water Crisis: A Threat to India’s Future

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Author: sachin nandha, trustee and director This article was originally published for the Sustainable Business Magazine. India, a country of 1.4 billion people, is running dry. By 2030, India’s water demand is projected to be twice the available supply, putting hundreds of millions at risk and threatening 6% of GDP losses. Over 600 million Indians already face high-to-extreme water stress, and 21 major cities, including Delhi and Bengaluru, are expected to run out of groundwater this year. This is not just an environmental disaster—it’s an economic and geopolitical risk. Water shortages disrupt agriculture, manufacturing, and urban development. Farmers in Maharashtra face yearly droughts, while industries in Chennai shut down intermittently due to water rationing. Without urgent intervention, India’s economic ambitions could be paralyzed. The Role of a UK-India Free Trade Agreement (FTA) The UK and India are negotiating a £34 billion trade deal, and sustainability is a critical piece of the puzzle. A well-structured FTA could unlock investment, technology transfer, and financial partnerships to revolutionise India’s water security. Britain, although it has problems of its own, has nevertheless world-class expertise in water management, desalination, and smart metering could provide game-changing solutions. But how exactly can trade policy help quench India’s thirst? Smart Tech & Data-Driven Solutions: The UK’s Secret Weapon Water management in India still relies on archaic infrastructure—leaky pipes, unregulated borewells, and inefficient irrigation. The UK, on the other hand, has pioneered smart water technologies that could transform India’s water security. For example, Thames Water, which manages London’s supply, uses AI-powered leak detection to save millions of litres daily. Similar solutions could prevent India’s 40% water loss due to leaks. Furthermore, the UK has successfully deployed IoT-based smart water meters, reducing domestic water waste by 15-20%. Indian cities like Bengaluru and Chennai could replicate this model, while UK-based companies like Rezatec use AI and satellite imagery to map groundwater depletion and monitor illegal extraction. Such innovations could be a game-changer for Punjab and Haryana, where groundwater is vanishing at alarming rates. An FTA could facilitate knowledge transfer, enabling Indian utilities and municipalities to collaborate with UK firms and adopt these technologies at scale, ensuring a significant reduction in water wastage and improved efficiency in distribution systems. The Investment Gap: Unlocking British Capital India needs to invest $270 billion in water infrastructure over the next decade. Currently, it falls short by at least $100 billion, leaving a massive funding gap. A UK-India FTA could provide a framework to secure the necessary investment, particularly through green bonds, public-private partnerships, and climate risk insurance. British financial institutions like HSBC and Barclays are already investing in climate-resilient infrastructure, and incentivising water-focused green bonds could drive billions into India’s pipelines and purification plants. Similarly, the UK’s Thames Tideway Tunnel, a £4.2 billion project, was built using PPPs. A similar model could help cities like Mumbai and Delhi develop world-class water recycling infrastructure. The role of financial instruments in water sustainability cannot be overstated. By introducing climate risk insurance, British financial institutions could help Indian farmers and industries hedge against drought-related economic shocks. These financial mechanisms would be essential in ensuring that water security becomes an integral part of India’s economic planning, rather than a crisis response. Real-World Success Stories: What’s Already Working? A UK-India water partnership isn’t just hypothetical—it’s already happening. Delhi’s Water ATM Project, for instance, is an innovative initiative in which UK engineers have helped install solar-powered water ATMs, providing affordable, clean drinking water to urban slums. These ATMs dispense water for as little as 1 rupee per litre (less than 1p), improving health outcomes in high-risk areas. Likewise, farmers in drought-prone Maharashtra have adopted UK-designed precision irrigation systems, reducing water use by 60% while increasing crop yields. Meanwhile, UK-based water purification firms are partnering with Indian authorities to revive the Ganges, implementing bio-filtration technologies to tackle industrial pollution. These examples illustrate that when international expertise meets local implementation, sustainable solutions emerge. The Role of the International Centre for Sustainability (ICfS) The International Centre for Sustainability (ICfS) in London has the potential to act as a bridge between UK and Indian stakeholders, fostering a more strategic and coordinated approach to water sustainability. By facilitating high-level policy dialogues between UK and Indian water authorities, the ICfS can help align regulatory frameworks and share best practices in water governance. Additionally, the Centre is well-positioned to spearhead joint research initiatives, bringing together scientists, engineers, and policymakers to develop cutting-edge water conservation strategies. Education and skill-building are also critical components of this collaboration. Through training programs and knowledge exchanges, the ICfS could help equip Indian engineers, policymakers, and local communities with the tools and expertise necessary to implement UK water management models effectively. By fostering an ecosystem where sustainability-focused innovation can thrive, the Centre can ensure that trade agreements are not just about commerce, but about creating a lasting impact on India’s water security. The ICfS can also facilitate investment matchmaking, connecting British investors and technology firms with Indian entrepreneurs and local governments. This will ensure that solutions are not only implemented at scale but tailored to India’s diverse water needs, from rural villages to megacities. The Road Ahead: Policy Recommendations & Next Steps For a UK-India FTA to make a real difference in tackling India’s water crisis, policymakers must prioritize specific interventions. Water-smart incentives should be embedded within trade negotiations, ensuring that UK water tech can be imported duty-free and that joint ventures between UK and Indian companies are encouraged. Furthermore, the creation of a dedicated UK-India Water Investment Fund, backed by British development banks, could ensure that sustainable water solutions receive the financial backing necessary to scale. Capacity-building must also remain at the forefront, with training and exchange programs ensuring that knowledge transfer translates into actionable change on the ground. Finally, sustainability benchmarks must be incorporated into FTA agreements to prevent over-extraction and misuse, ensuring that water security remains a long-term priority rather than a short-term business opportunity. Turning the Tide Together Water is the ultimate resource war of the 21st century. Without urgent intervention, India faces a future of drought-driven migration,

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Perspective of Dharmic-Faiths on the British Assisted Dying Bill

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Perspective of Dharmic-Faiths on the British Assisted Dying Bill Author: Asian Voice and Nitish Parwani The recent Parliamentary discussion on the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill 2024 [Assisted Dying Bill or ‘ADB’, for short], has sparked intense debate on life, death, and individual autonomy. The Bill seeks to provide terminally ill, mentally competent adults the option to end their lives with dignity. However, the absence of perspectives from Dharmic-faiths—Hinduism, Jainism, Sikhism, and Buddhism—is concerning. These communities, representing over 1.5 million people in the UK, possess profound philosophical traditions that could enrich this ethical debate. Their exclusion from the government’s consultation paper reveals a missed opportunity to engage in a more inclusive and comprehensive dialogue. Dharmic-faiths present a distinctive ethical framework on life and death. They view life as sacred and the body as a temporary vessel for the soul (Ātman) or, in the case of Buddhism, a transient manifestation of consciousness. The Bhagavad Gītā (2.22) illustrates this concept through a metaphor: “Just as a person discards worn-out clothes and dons new ones, so the soul discards old bodies and enters new ones.” However, preservation of the body is considered a duty, as it serves as vehicle for fulfilling Dharma—the ethical responsibilities necessary for sustaining the individual, society, and the cosmos [śarīramādyaṃ khalu dharmasādhanam, (Kumarsambhava, 5.33)]. Consequently, premature-termination of the body is generally discouraged. Another central tenet, the law of karma, asserts that every action has consequences. Karma is categorised into prārabdha (ongoing-karma), sanchit (accumulated-karma), and agāmi (future-karma). The karmic-principle dictates that one must endure the consequences of past actions within the current life until prārabdha-karma is exhausted. Ending life prematurely interferes with this natural process, resulting in unresolved karmic-debts that must be borne in future incarnations.  However, Dharmic-faith-traditions also recognise exceptions where the voluntary ending of life may be permissible. One such exception is when the act is spiritually motivated. In Yogic traditions, practitioners may enter mahāsamādhi, a conscious and intentional departure from the body.  Another exception is when an individual, typically in old-age or suffering from a terminal-illness, can no longer fulfill their societal or Dharmic duties due to physical-decline. In such cases, relinquishing the body is permitted. However, even in these instances, the principle of karma remains central. The body’s natural decline must be allowed to run its course, ensuring that prārabdha-karma is fully exhausted. For instance, practice of Sallekhana or Santhārā in Jain-traditions involves gradually fasting to death as a means of destroying rebirth-influencing karma. These acts are not considered suicide in the conventional sense but are viewed as acts of spiritual liberation.  When examined through this Dharmic-faiths’ lens, ADB presents some ethical challenges. The Bill allows terminally ill adults with a prognosis of six months or less to seek assistance in ending their lives. Yet, if spiritual intent or infirmity to serve society and Dharma are not the sole intentions to terminate the body-life prematurely, cases under the ADB would not meet the criteria outlined in the exceptions above. Moreover, the active administration of life-ending substances (clause 20) conflicts with the karmic principle of non-intervention, as prārabdha-karma must be allowed to unfold naturally. There is a crucial distinction between passive and active assisted dying. Passive methods, such as withholding life-sustaining treatment, may align with Dharmic-faiths’ principles as they permit the natural course of life and death. In contrast, active methods involve direct intervention and are generally inconsistent with Dharmic faiths’ teachings unless motivated by spiritual purposes. ADB, primarily endorsing active intervention, has to meet a high standard of purpose test to satisfy ethical conditions required by Dharmic faiths. Furthermore, informed decision-making on assisted dying necessitates introspection (often spiritual), engagement with religious texts, and consultation with spiritual leaders, none of which are adequately facilitated under the current framework. Palliative care and psychological support (clause 9) of ADB don’t address the need for spiritual-guidance. The UK healthcare facilities currently lack adequate faith-based support for Dharmic communities.  Therefore, while Dharmic traditions acknowledge limited circumstances under which the voluntary ending of life may be permissible, the Assisted Dying Bill does not sufficiently address these nuances. Without a robust infrastructure for spiritual guidance and faith-based support, the ethical and cultural justification for assisted dying remains incomplete for Dharmic-faith communities.

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Educating for a Sustainable Tomorrow: How UK Universities Can Lead Climate Awareness 

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Author: Chloe Schuber, Research & Operations Assistant : Strengthening Democracy Desk Why Universities and Why Climate?  Universities are uniquely positioned to tackle the climate crisis by fostering climate citizenship, which includes building awareness, skills and responsibility. This dual mission not only benefits students by equipping them to lead on climate issues but also strengthens universities’ role in creating a sustainable future. By reforming curricula, fostering community partnerships and promoting sustainable campus practices, universities can shape future generations of leaders armed with the habits and tools to combat climate change.  Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) play a transformative role in shaping students during a critical period in their lives. Beyond issuing degrees and preparing students for jobs, universities have a broader societal responsibility. They act as catalysts for change, influencing students to become active, informed participants in society. Addressing climate change is an essential part of this mission. Climate change poses an unprecedented and urgent challenge; every institution, from global governance to grassroots organisations, must contribute to finding solutions. In the wake of COP29, the critical need for systemic and collective action is reinforced. Universities must lead these efforts by embedding climate consciousness across all aspects of their mission—research, teaching and community engagement.    Implementing Climate Change into the Curriculum  Integrating Climate Change Education (CCE) into the curriculum is a vital step for Higher Education Institutions. This process involves embedding climate literacy into academic programmes, equipping students with knowledge and tools to address environmental challenges. Universities must ensure that graduates not only understand climate change but also recognise its relevance to their fields of study and future professions, empowering them to create meaningful change.  For instance, a mainstreaming approach—integrating climate topics across all disciplines—proves most effective. Business students can learn sustainable finance, exploring strategies for reducing carbon footprints in corporate practices, while engineering programmes might focus on developing renewable energy technologies. Similarly, humanities students could engage with climate ethics, understanding the social justice implications of environmental decisions. To support this integration, universities can establish specialised departments for CCE to provide resources, faculty training and curricular guidance.  Interdisciplinarity is key to this effort. Collaborative research and teaching initiatives between science, arts and social sciences departments can foster innovative solutions to climate challenges. For example, the University of Edinburgh has implemented interdisciplinary sustainability courses that bring together students from diverse fields to develop solutions for real-world climate problems. (for example, their Masters in Climate Change Finance and Investment)  Such programmes not only broaden students’ expertise but also prepare them to work in multidisciplinary teams, a critical skill for addressing complex climate issues.    Connecting Students, Universities and Communities  Creating meaningful connections between students, universities and local communities is another cornerstone of fostering climate citizenship. Real-world action not only equips students with practical skills but also strengthens their understanding of how climate issues impact the world around them. These connections can be forged through collaborative projects that involve students in local sustainability efforts.  Universities can create partnerships with local businesses, governments and non-profits to give students hands-on experience. For example, the University of Northampton collaborates with the Social Enterprise Town initiative to foster a sustainable social enterprise ecosystem, advancing Sustainable Development Goals 11 (Sustainable Cities and Communities) and SDG 17 (Partnerships for the Goals), while offering students practical experience in addressing community sustainability challenges. Students studying environmental science might collaborate with city councils to design greener urban spaces, while architecture students could work with community organisations to develop energy-efficient housing prototypes. Initiatives like these not only offer students practical learning opportunities but also address tangible community needs.  Leadership opportunities for students are also essential. Universities can provide platforms for students to spearhead sustainability projects, whether through student unions, societies or campus boards. Incentivising participation with academic credits or funding for innovative projects can encourage greater involvement. For instance, the University of Leeds has a “Sustainability Service”  which funds student-led initiatives aimed at reducing carbon emissions on campus and in the local community.  Fostering local identity through sustainability projects further reinforces these connections. Hosting events like local food fairs or farmers market can showcase the benefits of sustainable eating while emphasising the importance of supporting regional farmers. By linking sustainability to the immediate environment and non-human animals, universities can inspire students to take pride in protecting their local ecosystems, creating a deeper commitment to environmental stewardship.    Promoting Campus Sustainability  Finally, universities must lead by example by transforming their campuses into models of sustainability. Engaging students in campus-based sustainability efforts cultivates a sense of purpose and empowerment, showing that environmental practices can be both effective and practical. HEIs can become leaders in renewable energy use, waste reduction and sustainable sourcing, showing how large institutions can operate sustainably while benefiting their reputation, finances and longevity.  For example, universities can implement comprehensive waste management programmes, including recycling, composting and electronic waste disposal systems. These initiatives not only reduce the university’s environmental impact but also provide students with concrete examples of sustainability in action.  Transportation is another critical area for promoting campus sustainability. HEIs can encourage eco-friendly commuting by offering public transport discounts, building bike-sharing programmes or installing electric vehicle charging stations. For example, the University of Warwick has implemented a campus-wide bike rental scheme that has significantly reduced carbon emissions from student and staff commutes.  Campus housing also presents an opportunity to encourage greener living habits. Universities can provide energy-efficient accommodations, support recycling and composting programmes and promote behaviours such as reducing water and energy consumption. Involving students in the design and implementation of these initiatives can foster greater buy-in and creativity.     Building a Sustainable Future  By embedding climate change education into curricula, connecting with local communities and transforming campuses into sustainability leaders, UK universities can equip students with the knowledge and tools to combat the climate crisis. These strategies not only prepare students to become climate-conscious leaders but also ensure that universities remain at the forefront of solving global challenges. As hubs of innovation and education, HEIs have a unique opportunity and responsibility to lead

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India’s pragmatic diplomacy can guide UK’s long-term goals

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Author: Asian Voice and Nitish Parwani This article was written by the journal Asian Voice featuring one of our researchers, Nitish Parwani. To view the original article click here. This week marked a significant escalation in the ongoing war in Ukraine, as the US and UK crossed a boundary set by Russian President Vladimir Putin. Both nations allowed Ukraine to fire Western-supplied longer-range missiles into Russian territory, intensifying the conflict. The UK is believed to have allowed its Storm Shadow missiles to be used in Russia’s Kursk region, while the US has given the green light for its ATACMS weapons to target sites within Russia. In response, Putin issued a stark warning to the UK, the US, and any other nations providing such weapons, stating that Russia considers itself entitled to strike military facilities in those countries that enable the use of their weapons against Russian targets. As the war enters its third year, Putin’s threats raise an urgent question about what he will do next. The Kremlin has accused the “collective West” of escalating the war, despite a history of being the primary actor driving escalation in the quest to assert control over Ukraine or, at the very least, to secure peace on his terms. From his initial full-scale invasion to his annexation of Ukrainian territories, Putin has repeatedly raised the stakes. This week alone, he deployed North Korean troops to the Kursk region and  targeted Ukraine’s Dnipro with a new hypersonic missile apart from issuing explicit threats to the West. Nitish Rai Parwani, Head of the ‘Diasporic communities’ desk at the International Centre for Sustainability (ICfS), shared his perspective on this whole situation with Asian Voice, stating, “The ongoing Russia-Ukraine war, now nearing its third year, continues to reshape global geopolitics. With leadership change in the United States, the dynamics of international involvement are likely to shift significantly. Donald Trump has hinted at reducing US funding to Ukraine and prioritising negotiations, signalling a possible pivot in Western strategy. As a NATO member, a US ally, and a friend of Ukraine, the UK has supported Ukraine through military aid and sanctions on Russia, despite the economic costs. However, a shift in US policy may prompt the UK to reconsider its approach. “The UK faces critical decisions as these dynamics evolve. A potential improvement in US-Russia relations under Trump, alongside Ukraine’s aspirations to join NATO or other global alliances, demands a careful balancing act. Furthermore, the post-war landscape will require the UK to reassess its international engagement strategy, fostering ties with both nations while safeguarding its national interests. Adopting India’s pragmatic diplomacy could guide the UK in aligning its long-term goals with global peace and stability. “Amid this, India’s diplomatic stance stands out as a model of balance and maturity. By maintaining cordial relations with both Russia and Ukraine, India has leveraged its position to advocate for dialogue and a peaceful resolution while avoiding overt alignment. This strategy has allowed India to safeguard its strategic interests and promote peace simultaneously.” Diplomatic tensions heighten Russia expelled a British diplomat on Tuesday, accusing him of espionage and escalating tensions between the two countries. Moscow stated that it would not tolerate “undeclared” intelligence officers operating on its soil, further fuelling an ongoing diplomatic dispute with London. The British government has denied the allegations, rejecting claims that one of its embassy employees was a spy. This marks the latest in a series of espionage accusations that have contributed to the already fraught relationship between the two nations. The Russian foreign ministry summoned British Ambassador Nigel Casey after the FSB (Federal Security Service) claimed to have uncovered a British spy. The FSB identified the diplomat as the embassy’s second secretary and accused him of conducting “intelligence and subversive activities” that threatened Russia’s national security. Moscow’s foreign ministry stated that the diplomat was being expelled for providing false information on his visa and accreditation applications. State media footage showed Ambassador Casey surrounded by journalists as he arrived at the foreign ministry in Moscow. The UK government quickly rejected the accusations, dismissing them as malicious and unfounded. A Foreign Office spokesperson stated, “This is not the first time that Russia has made baseless accusations against our staff. We will respond in due course.” This expulsion follows the earlier ejection of six British diplomats by Russia, also on espionage charges. In a separate move, Russia’s foreign ministry announced a travel ban on several British cabinet ministers, citing what it described as London’s “Russophobic” policies. Among those targeted were Chancellor Rachel Reeves, Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner, and ministers from various sectors including education, environment, health, and energy. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Moscow has added hundreds of Western politicians, journalists, and business leaders to its “stop list” in retaliation for Western sanctions and travel restrictions. The US Embassy in Kyiv was closed on Wednesday, November 20, due to concerns over a “potential significant air attack,” according to a statement from the Department of State’s Consular Affairs. “Out of an abundance of caution, the embassy will be closed, and embassy personnel have been instructed to shelter in place,” the statement read. “The US Embassy advises American citizens to be prepared to take shelter immediately if an air alert is issued,” the message posted on the embassy’s website added.  

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Evolving Democracy in the Age of AI

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Author: Pravar Petkar, Head of Strengthening Democracy Desk As we near the end of the ‘year of elections’, liberal democracy’s report card is a decidedly mixed one. Although there have been peaceful transfers of power across the world, elections in the UK and France have raised issues of legislative representation and coalition formation. The recent US election has seen misinformation and polarisation in campaigning, and India’s elections continue to be vulnerable to vote buying and identity politics. A recent roundtable discussion hosted by the ICfS considered how we might improve democracy with the aid of emerging technology in this climate. The discussion highlighted that countries across the world should experiment with new ways of doing democracy at the grassroots level, supported by technology. This innovation must nonetheless be accompanied by greater enforcement of existing regulations and more agile development of rules, given the real risks posed by the rapid growth of AI.  Participation is the way forward – at the grassroots level at least  Trust in the current model of popular government has been falling in some of the world’s most long-standing democracies, including the UK and the US. This is for several reasons. There are structural flaws in the election systems of representative democracies: the UK election saw a large majority on little over one-third of the vote, whilst discussion of the US election was dominated by votes in seven key ‘swing states’. These are perhaps exacerbated by misinformation, as seen in the US election campaign. Moreover, once representatives are elected, they must deliver on their promises: yet in the UK in particular, public service delivery has deteriorated significantly over the course of decades. These various systemic flaws require new ways of ‘doing democracy’ to restore that trust.  After a successful citizens’ assembly on abortion in Ireland led to its legalisation in 2018, and the open-source Pol.is platform was used by the vTaiwan initiative to generate popular consensus on Uber licensing, interest has grown in finding new ways to directly engage citizens in public decision-making. Yet putting an issue to the people at national level does not always produce change, as shown by the French Citizens’ Convention on the Climate, amongst others. The design of these mechanisms is key, and not all topics are suitable. Putting major issues of economic policy to a participatory assembly, for example, could have adverse effects for market confidence. Local democracy, then, is perhaps the best starting point, with several instances of citizen participation at local council level in recent years. Evidence of success at local level is needed to make a stronger case for it at the national level.   The benefits of participation are not limited to better or more inclusive decision-making. The polarisation that affects democracy in the UK, US and elsewhere can, in part, be put down to a lack of faith in our fellow citizens to make sound decisions: in the US, many Republicans and Democrats view each other as a ‘threat’. Addressing this requires a means of fostering genuine citizenship, where all those living in a society view themselves as engaged in a common enterprise. Well-designed participatory processes can help here by directing citizens towards engaging with each other on a shared problem.  Technology is here to stay  Alongside participatory experiments, there is growing innovation in ‘DelibTech’ – technological solutions that facilitate deliberation and discussion between citizens. In Libya, the UN used the Remesh AI platform as part of its peacekeeping efforts to gather and cluster opinions and create ‘bridging statements’ to generate consensus amongst society, with the proposals put to a Government of National Unity. The Consensus AI tool has also supported the Conference on the Future of Europe, offering participants the opportunity to vote on statements and submit their own until a 60% majority in favour of one has emerged. The Decidim platform was used in the French Citizens’ Convention on the Climate for external contributions. Greater experimentation with these tools at local level – beyond simply holding deliberative assemblies over video-conferencing – can create the groundswell for future change.   The cost of participatory democracy means DelibTech will have an important role in scaling up these processes in due course. For example, Demos estimates a single 8-day citizens’ assembly with 100 participants would cost between £800k and £1.2m. This high level of expenditure would mean that holding multiple in-person citizens’ assemblies of this kind each year would quickly become financially unsustainable; cheaper options are required, whilst preserving the ability of all citizens to engage in democracy without compromising on the income needed to maintain a reasonable standard of living.  Mechanisms such as Pol.is, Remesh and Consensus AI are also different to social media sites such as Facebook and X: whilst participants can ‘upvote’ others’ comments and add their own, the conversation ‘threads’ that can often generate hostility on other platforms are absent. Whilst many may hold the view that this is good enough reason to avoid technology entirely, a tech-free future is hardly realistic: indeed, the recent migration of social media users from X to newer platforms such as BlueSky only reinforces that technology is here to stay.  The future of democracy requires better tech regulation and education  Whilst emerging technology can play an important role in opening up new opportunities for citizen participation, it is not without its own risks and challenges. Since Large Language Models (LLMs) such as ChatGPT became widely available from late 2022, concerns have been raised around cybersecurity, data bias, privacy, copyright and the dissemination of false information. Questions were raised in this roundtable discussion about the ability of regulatory systems to keep up with rapid AI development, and whether existing regulations could be better enforced. There is also the risk that as systems such as Pol.is and Consensus AI grow, they will be taken over by large corporations. As Marietje Schaake has argued in The Tech Coup, companies such as Microsoft, Google and Meta can evade accountability from nation-states because of the practical power they wield and their influence within

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After Trump’s Victory: A Changing Global Order, Strained Democracies and Weakening Guardrails

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Author: Pravar Petkar, Head of Strengthening Democracy Desk Donald Trump will be the 47th President of the US, having crossed the threshold of 270 votes required from the Electoral College and having won the popular vote in the 2024 US elections. The Republican Party has also crossed a majority in the US Senate and currently holds a plurality of seats in the House of Representatives. Trump has promised to make a number of policy changes immediately upon entering office, many of which are encapsulated in the ‘Project 2025’ policy wish-list. In addition to the domestic policy changes proposed, the results and the manner of campaigning have implications both internationally and for the robustness of US democracy. In particular, the US-India relationship is set to continue across various sectors, the UK will be prompted to calibrate its own approach to China and there are reasons to be sceptical about the robustness of democracy in the face of misinformation and corporate control of technology.  The US-India relationship will continue  Trump’s presidency is unlikely to alter some aspects of the US-India relationship. There is a bipartisan consensus in the US at present that China is the principal geopolitical threat to US national interests. Trump’s approach to US-China relations – and to foreign policy in general – is hyper-realist: his overriding motivation will be to protect US national interests in whatever way he sees fit. Given this, India will retain its role as a geopolitical and economic ‘shield’ for the US, and an important collaborator in the Indo-Pacific. The Quad will not be suddenly disbanded, nor is Trump likely to renege on existing defence and intelligence sharing agreements as long as they continue to serve his aims. However, there are questions around the continuation of the US-India Climate and Clean Energy partnership launched in 2021, especially considering Trump’s desire to pull the US out of the Paris Agreement. The imposition of higher tariffs on trade with India cannot be ruled out either, despite the apparent camaraderie between Trump and PM Modi. Yet as Trump seeks a decoupling from China, and with the US running a significant trade deficit with India, there are good reasons for the Trump administration to pursue a closer relationship.  The UK needs a clear strategy on China  Given the importance the Trump administration will place on tackling the threat it perceives that China poses to US interests, the UK’s own strategy on China will be critical in future US-UK relations. Over the last decade, the UK has had a much more open approach to China than the US has, with collaboration under the 2010 coalition government replaced with greater wariness in recent years, especially concerning China’s imposition of the national security law in Hong Kong, its use of force around Taiwan and concerns about human rights abuses in Xinjiang and Tibet. The Labour Government’s review of UK-China relations thus comes at a critical moment. Economic benefits for the UK currently appear to be top of the agenda, though there will undoubtedly be pressure from the Trump administration to fall in line with the US approach, with possible tensions between the two emerging if the US seeks a more detached relationship in trading terms. As well as being a litmus test of Labour’s ‘progressive realism’ strategy, the UK’s approach to relations with China will have knock-on effects elsewhere, including for the UK-India relationship: given the tensions between India and China, any ‘Himalayan strategy’ the UK develops will impact the UK-China picture in the round.  ‘Offline’ misinformation is still an issue in the online world  Concerns were raised in early 2024 about how emerging technology – including generative AI and its potential to churn out deepfake video and images – would affect the integrity of some of the world’s most important elections. The 2024 US elections show that ‘offline’ misinformation – falsehoods uttered by politicians in campaign speeches – remain a challenge. The most prominent example was Trump’s claim that Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio were eating cats and dogs, despite having no evidence to support this. The remark was challenged in real time by the moderators, but this may not be enough in today’s climate, for two reasons. First, short clips from televised political debates are routinely shared on social media, often without full context or with sections – including the moderators’ response – cut out. Second, the polarisation of US political debate, along with the perception that it is less and less grounded in objective fact, impairs moderators’ legitimacy and ability to intervene. Some Republicans had claimed that the that the ABC moderators were biased against Trump, especially in what one Senator termed “so-called fact-checking”. Further innovation in fact-checking – especially for online platforms – will be necessary going forward to restore the shared information base that is necessary for democracies the world over the flourish.   Corporate control of the public sphere erodes democracy  Figures released earlier this year by Pew Research Center indicate that 59% of X (formerly Twitter) users in the US get their news from there. With over 100 million active X users in the US, this is a sizeable number. Elon Musk, the owner of X, has described it as the world’s “global town square”, which ought to be a space where people can freely exchange views and deliberate without national boundaries. However, as Marietje Schaake argues in her book The Tech Coup, corporate control of major tech platforms (especially in respect of content moderation) creates a significant accountability gap. National governments seem unable to regulate big social media companies such as Meta and X on which the public sphere is increasingly constructed. With Musk having donated significant amounts of money to the Trump campaign, and having been praised as a “star” in Trump’s victory speech, X is no longer a neutral public space. The bounds of free expression and the availability of information on which citizens make decisions about how their society is run is now controlled by private actors to a far greater

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