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Author: Pravar Petkar, Head of Strengthening Democracy Desk Is British democracy working? Surveys show that satisfaction with democracy in the UK has nosedived since 2021. This should not be surprising: in our system of ‘popular rule’, all we do is cast votes every few years, with no way to intervene as our basic public services continue to struggle. What if we put the people back into the process of running our country, to make government more responsive to popular concerns? Citizens’ assemblies are one way of doing this. Ongoing research at the International Centre for Sustainability suggests that we should make more use of them in the UK: they can cut through thorny moral issues, provide objective information to the public and show consensus. Yet being difficult to get right, they are no miracle cure.  Why get the public involved in the first place?  Citizens’ assemblies bring together a randomly selected sample of citizens to learn about an issue, deliberate on it and make recommendations. Some believe they can “work wonders” and restore trust in politics. By bringing citizens into the political process, citizens’ assemblies can give people the skills and desire to participate more, making them more invested in how our society is run. They enable us to give direction to our representatives on key issues and review what they do for us, without being dragged into party politics. For those who say that this simply isn’t how we do democracy in the UK, we should look beyond our borders: India, for example, has a long-standing tradition of citizen deliberation at village level, through a rural assembly called a gram sabha.  What are the benefits of citizens’ assemblies?  There are four good reasons to use citizens’ assemblies:  They can help to resolve morally controversial issues.  They can provide an objective information base for public votes.  They can help to articulate consensus for major changes.  They can be used at local levels to drive regeneration projects.  This is shown from experience within and outside the UK. In Ireland, a citizens’ assembly was used to recommend the removal of constitutional provisions prohibiting abortion. More recently, an assembly in Jersey on assisted dying made recommendations that are now being translated into law. This is especially relevant to the rest of the UK, with Bills recently introduced into the Scottish Parliament and the House of Lords on the matter. Parts of the Irish Assembly were broadcast live, giving the public vital information for their vote in a 2018 referendum on the matter – a far cry from the UK’s experience with Brexit in 2016. The Irish example also shows how citizens’ assemblies can articulate a social consensus out of a public desire for reform – an encouraging sign for issues such as House of Lords reform. The citizens’ assembly model has also been successfully transposed into local contexts (often termed a ‘citizens’ jury’), with deliberative exercises in Romsey (2018) and Newham (2021) shaping local policy on town centre usage and developing green spaces respectively.  Where have citizens’ assemblies not worked?  The worldwide practice of citizens’ assemblies demonstrates three potential issues:  A remit that is too broad.  No clear pathway to influence elected politicians.  Self-selection of those who are already politically engaged.  Our research has found that assemblies which tried to solve too many issues at once – such as the Climate Assembly UK (2020) and the French Citizens’ Convention on the Climate (2019-2020) – were much less successful because they produced general principles and wants rather than specific proposals. They have also been much more effective in influencing policy change when set up by local councils than by parliamentary select committees or external research organisations (such as in a recent citizens’ jury on assisted dying). Yet there is a balance to be struck: where government at all levels is involved, the experts who inform citizens must remain independent. Moreover, because there is no compulsion for invited citizens to actually participate, there is the risk of ‘self-selection’ of those who are already politically engaged or interested in an issue. Emerging technology – such as AI-facilitated online deliberation, as in Taiwan – could address some of these issues.  Why do we need them when we already have the UK Parliament?  Some might say that we don’t need innovation, because we already have a citizens’ assembly in the UK: it is just known as ‘the UK Parliament’. Yet the devil is in the details. A randomly selected sample of citizens, stratified for demographics, will be more representative than the House of Commons (especially considering the cost of parliamentary campaigns). There is no political party representation in a citizens’ assembly. The stakes are also different: the UK Parliament passing legislation creates a finality absent from the advisory – yet potentially powerful – recommendations of a citizens’ assembly. The ‘learning phase’ crucial to citizens’ assemblies, where subject-matter experts share important background information, has no parallel in the parliamentary process. The UK Parliament is undoubtedly an assembly of citizens, but a citizens’ assembly it is not.   The path to democratic reform  There is no doubt that there are other pressing issues to solve in British democracy – our disproportionate electoral system, a lack of effective checks and balances on government and the role of the House of Lords. These all need considered discussion, but that should not stop us from experimenting elsewhere. Citizens’ assemblies, if designed well, can cut through complexity, provide citizens with clear and objective information and crystallise consensus on policy at local, regional and national levels.   

Navigating India’s Path to Unprecedented Growth: A Call to Visionary Leaders Author: sachin nandha, trustee and director India is in a hurry. This was the resounding message at a recent conference where leaders across industries gathered to discuss the nation’s future at the City of London’s Guildhall. As I listened to Adrian Cartwright, Senior Partner at Clifford Chance, and BVR Subrahmanyam, CEO of NITI Aayog, India’s “Do Tank”, it became clear that India stands at a critical juncture in its development journey. The Journey from Low Income to Middle Income India is currently transitioning from a low-income country to a middle-income nation. However, this transition carries the risk of a “middle-income trap,” where economic progress stalls without significant reforms. To avoid this trap, India must aggressively reform its policy framework and invest heavily in capacity building—not just for its civil servants, but also for the public at large. The Imperative for Infrastructure Investment India’s infrastructure is the foundation upon which its future growth will be built. The Union government currently allocates 3.5% of GDP to infrastructure, with the States contributing an additional 3%. However, to achieve its ambitious goals and ensure sustainable growth, India needs to invest 10% of its GDP into infrastructure. This leaves a shortfall of at least 3.5%, which must be filled by international financiers. Historically, international investors have been cautious about investing in India, often citing regulatory hurdles and past negative experiences. However, the landscape is changing. The top two airports in India are now privately owned, serving as a testament to the potential for successful private investment. Mumbai, for instance, requires a staggering $150 billion in infrastructure investment, with $30-40 billion expected from the government and the remainder from private and international investors. India has at least 20 emerging cities that it needs to build – Delhi, Chennai, Bengaluru, Hyderabad, and Karnavati (formerly Ahmedabad) are just to name a few. India’s megacities – this is Mumbai The Role of International Capital Return on Investment (RoI) is the key driver for international capital, and India must focus on minimising risks and providing incentives to attract this capital. Regulatory frameworks are evolving, but more needs to be done. The government needs to move towards monitoring frameworks rather than individual projects, a shift that could streamline processes and reduce bureaucratic delays. This is arguably still the number one challenge still facing international investors. Areas Ripe for Investment India’s infrastructure needs are vast and varied. The civil aviation sector, particularly airports, presents significant opportunities for investment. Road construction, metro projects, and the burgeoning green hydrogen industry are other areas where international capital can play a transformative role. However, perception and history remain barriers. There is a need for consistent messaging and a change in tone from senior government officials, who are now increasingly adopting a more commercial approach to governance. India must also work on marketing itself better to the global investment community, ensuring that its success stories are heard loud and clear. The Green Transition and Infrastructure Resilience As India charts its path towards net-zero emissions, every infrastructure project must be assessed through a net-zero framework. This green transition will inevitably have adverse effects on states reliant on coal, but it also opens new avenues for investment in renewable energy and sustainable infrastructure. A staggering 90% of India’s infrastructure is yet to be built, and 75% of urban infrastructure needs to be rebuilt. This presents a unique opportunity for visionary investors who can think beyond risk management to resilience—building infrastructure that can withstand the unknown challenges of the future. India’s new solar plants The Call to Action India’s growth story is far from complete. The nation still has a long way to go, but the opportunities for those willing to take the leap are immense. For the daring and entrepreneurial, now is the time to navigate and build the investment corridors that will make India’s potential a reality. The International Centre for Sustainability is committed to supporting this journey. Our mission is to build the knowledge, training, and policy centres that will enable India to achieve its ambitious goals. By fostering a deeper understanding of India’s development landscape and providing the tools necessary to navigate it, we aim to create an environment where visionary leaders can thrive and drive the next phase of India’s growth. India is ready. The question is, are we ready to jump in and help 20% of the world’s population?

Author: sachin nandha, trustee and director The concept of the state has long been a subject of deep inquiry and analysis, from the works of classical political philosophers to modern-day commentators. A state, fundamentally, is composed of several critical pillars—the judiciary, military, bureaucracy, and often an elite class that holds significant influence. However, the essence of a state, as postulated by Max Weber, is its monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force within its territory. It exists to protect its territorial integrity, enforce the rule of law, and create an environment conducive to the flourishing of its citizens. Ideally, taxation in such a state is a tool, not for enrichment, but to provide essential services and infrastructure that enable citizens to pursue their endeavours freely and effectively. Yet, the Indian state, though it shares these fundamental characteristics, has evolved into something far more complex and, some might argue, intrusive. Rooted in a unique historical context, the Indian state has grown into an entity designed to socially engineer its population, specifically targeting entrenched inequalities within Hindu society. This objective, while noble in its intent, has manifested in a state apparatus that is, at times, paternalistic and prone to overreach.   The Origins of the Indian State The Indian state did not emerge in a vacuum. Its modern incarnation is a direct descendant of both British colonial rule and the earlier Mughal administration. The British colonial state, as famously critiqued by Indian leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and B.R. Ambedkar, was primarily an extractive one, designed to siphon wealth from the Indian populace to serve the interests of the Empire. Nehru, in his seminal work The Discovery of India, lamented how “India was bled” by the colonial administration, which left behind a legacy of underdevelopment and exploitation. This colonial state was built on the remnants of the Mughal administration, which itself was a hierarchical and often autocratic system, albeit with a more feudal character. The British adapted and expanded this system to create a highly centralized and bureaucratic state apparatus, one that was deeply suspicious of the populace and heavily reliant on coercion to maintain order. When India gained independence in 1947, it inherited this centralized structure. However, the new leaders of India were determined to use the state not as a tool of extraction, but as an instrument of social transformation. This vision was encapsulated by B.R. Ambedkar, the principal architect of the Indian Constitution, who envisioned the state as a mechanism to uplift the oppressed and eradicate the deeply entrenched caste system. Ambedkar famously stated, “Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy,” highlighting the intertwined nature of social and political justice in the Indian context. Ambedkar, the man who opposed Gandhi, and saw the State as essentially one that engineers a society.   The Indian State: A Tool for Social Engineering In pursuit of these transformative goals, the Indian state adopted a policy of affirmative action, or what is often referred to as “positive discrimination.” This was designed to uplift historically marginalized communities, particularly Dalits (formerly known as Untouchables) and other Scheduled Castes and Tribes. These policies were seen as necessary to rectify centuries of systemic oppression and to ensure that all citizens, regardless of their social background, could participate in the democratic process as equals. However, these well-intentioned policies also led to the creation of a state that is far more interventionist than many of its counterparts. The Indian state’s role extends beyond the typical functions of maintaining law and order or providing public goods. It has actively sought to reshape the social fabric of the nation, to eradicate caste-based discrimination, and to promote a more egalitarian society. As Nehru himself declared in a speech in 1950, “The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means ending poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.” But the approach taken by the state has also been marked by a certain paternalism, rooted in the belief that the state knows what is best for its citizens. This has led to a tendency to impose top-down solutions without always taking into account the diverse needs and desires of India’s vast population. The state’s social engineering efforts, while aimed at promoting equality, have at times been criticized for stifling individual initiative and perpetuating a culture of dependency.   Extractive Practices: A Contemporary Example The extractive tendencies of the Indian state are not just relics of the past but can be observed in contemporary examples as well. A striking case of this was seen during the COVID-19 pandemic, which revealed how certain state government practices can be more extractive than enabling. In March 2020, just before the nationwide lockdown was imposed, many state governments renewed liquor licenses for restaurants and bars, collecting hefty fees from business owners. This was a significant expense for small restaurant owners, who paid these fees with the expectation that they would be able to operate their businesses as usual. However, within weeks, the government imposed a complete lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic, forcing all restaurants and bars to shut down indefinitely. The lockdown continued for months, with no refunds or concessions provided to the business owners who had just paid for their liquor licenses. Thousands of small restaurants were left high and dry, unable to operate yet burdened with the cost of licenses they could not use. This was not just a case of bad timing; it highlighted the extractive nature of the state’s approach, where revenue collection took precedence over fair treatment of citizens. This situation exemplifies the systemic issues within the Indian state where the common citizen often finds themselves powerless against the machinery of government. The lack of recourse or accountability in such situations underscores the state’s tendency to act in its own financial interest, often at the expense of those it is meant to serve. Such practices erode trust in the state and reinforce the perception that the government is

Author: Pravar Petkar, Head of Strengthening Democracy Desk In one of his first statements to Parliament as the new Prime Minister of the UK, Sir Keir Starmer referenced the lack of confidence in contemporary British politics, stating that “the need to restore trust should weigh heavily on every Member here, new and returning alike.” This is an ongoing issue: recent surveys by the Pew Research Center suggest that satisfaction with democracy in the UK has declined from 60% in 2021 to only 39% in 2024; the US has seen a fall from 41% to 31%, whilst France has dropped from 44% to 35%. Across the Channel, following gains for the far-right in the 2024 EU elections, some commentators have pointed to a divide between pro-democracy and anti-democracy factions in Europe. We are confronted by an urgent need to restore trust in our politicians and the very democratic systems in which they operate. Revitalising and regenerating contemporary democracies, I believe, must be underpinned by three central principles: accountability, participation and civic education.  Accountability  There is a worrying trend the world over in leaders seeking to evade the checks and balances on power. Recently, a British Prime Minister was found to have misled Parliament on the upholding of COVID-19 regulations. The former UK government’s ‘Rwanda Scheme’ for asylum seekers was pushed forward in reckless disregard of international law, as upheld by the UK Supreme Court itself. The Election Commission of India appears to have been politicised, judging by its lax responses to religiously divisive rhetoric from PM Modi during the recent election campaign, whilst Poland’s former ruling dispensation (the Law and Justice Party) enacted a series of reforms politicising the judiciary before losing power in late 2023. Few will forget the events of 6 January 2021, when supporters of President Trump stormed the Capitol to halt the peaceful transfer of power following President Biden’s confirmation.  Any successful and sustainable democracy needs robust checks and balances on power. The UK’s historical reliance on norms of good conduct – the ‘good chaps’ theory of government  – has proven unable to stem the tide; stronger restrictions are required, whether enforced by the courts or other independent bodies. These checks and balances have a dual role: to ensure citizens’ survival and so that they can have genuine influence over the state. The state must uphold those fundamental human rights necessary for the people it governs to harmoniously coexist, and which provide the essential conditions for democratic government to continue, including freedom of speech and freedom of assembly within reasonable limits. International human rights law cannot be seen simply as a needless check on power; it instead guarantees the conditions for the state to fulfil its purpose, making a culture of respect for international law – one which has been lacking recently in the UK – essential to ensure government is held to account.   Moreover, our electoral systems must reflect citizens’ policy preferences as closely and proportionately as possible: government is, after all, ‘for the people’. Citizens should, periodically, be able to have a say on how their society is structured and governed: models such as the US Constitution, under which change is so difficult as to be virtually impossible, are no longer sustainable. Rights to protest and assemble must always be available as a last resort to push elected officials towards change, but we cannot fall back on these options too often: our democratic systems must ensure citizens have regular opportunities to hold politicians to account.  Participation  Today, government is supposed to be for the people and is certainly framed as being ‘of the people’, but it is rarely by the people. The extent of most citizens’ democratic engagement is limited to the election of representatives at local, regional and national levels every few years. Yet the tide is now starting to turn. There is increasing experimentation with new mechanisms of participation such as citizens’ assemblies, the most well-known of which is perhaps that held in Ireland on abortion in 2018. There have been notable referendums, including the 2016 EU referendum in the UK, and even the crowdsourcing of new constitutional proposals in Iceland in 2012. Our world is starting to think beyond the representative democratic paradigm that has dominated our politics for the last 75 years.  If our democracies are to sustain themselves into the future, there must be more opportunities for citizen participation on a range of issues, from both difficult and controversial moral problems to local challenges. This is not a call for elected representatives to abdicate their responsibilities – we will still need elected politicians to stand up for our interests on common national and international issues. Yet it is becoming clearer that on a range of issues, giving the people more of a voice has great benefits. These range from enhancing policy debate by crystallising consensus on reform, to developing citizen awareness on key issues such as climate change and cultivating a sense of civic responsibility and social welfare. Our contemporary toolkit is no longer limited to in-person gatherings across weekends. Citizens’ panels and assemblies were moved online during the COVID-19 pandemic, whilst Estonia and Taiwan have led the way in creating online platforms where citizens can make and vote on policy proposals. The future is one of distributed networks for proposing and voting on legislative amendments, online participatory communities to review executive decision-making and even novel deliberative systems on bespoke online platforms, using the latest developments in generative AI to facilitate discussions, aggregate preferences and more. Whilst standing on a busy main road with a placard will not lose its significance overnight, the future of democratic participation is increasingly likely to be a digital one.  Civic Education  If people are to be well equipped to participate in public debate on key policy issues, our education systems must be in good working order. We are beset by misinformation – not only through clever political advertising and the use of ‘deepfake’ technology, but also on the social media platforms that increasingly

Author: Chloe Schuber, Operations Assistant : Strengthening Democracy Desk The recent tragedy which took place on Friday 9th August, where a young female post-graduate trainee (PGT) doctor was brutally raped and murdered while on duty at the RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata, has deeply impacted and scarred the Indian nation’s conscience. What does this crime mean for Indian society, and what policy and societal reforms are being prioritized in response to this crisis? This incident has reawakened, with a newfound strength, calls to reflect on the failure of law enforcement as well as one for systemic change across multiple facets of Indian society. A Call for Immediate Government Action The need is clear for an immediate and robust response from the central government. Justice must be served effectively and in such a clear manner that this case becomes a genuine deterrent or sets a national precedent, rather than becoming just another instance of violence against women. The investigation has been transferred to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) due to concerns over the local police’s mishandling of the case, potential evidence destruction, and the lack of progress in the five days following the incident. A statement by Prime Minister Modi was issued on 15th August, answering the nation’s at times adamant needs for a response condemning this violence, alongside ensuring that justice will be served and pushing for a united stance against gender-based violence. Modi said, ‘There is anger among the common people. I can feel this anger. […] The country, society and our state governments will have to take this seriously. It is important that those who commit demonic acts should be given severe punishment as soon as possible to build trust in the society.’ Protecting Healthcare Workers Following this incident, both women and the medical community as a whole have launched widespread protests. Healthcare professionals in India, especially women, are increasingly vulnerable to violence; a 2015 survey revealed 75% of this demographic had been victim of some form of violence. Unfortunately, no other significant data sets appear to address this prevalent issue, highlighting the need for further research. The need for a Union legislation to protect medical staff accordingly is ever so urgent. 25 of India’s States and Union Territories do have some laws in that regard, but they are poorly enforced with little to no convictions and therefore, no effective deterrent. The proposed Central Protection Act (CPA) – introduced in the lower house of Parliament (the Lok Sabha) in 2022 but never enacted – aimed to address these issues by making violence against healthcare workers a non-bailable offence, improving CCTV installations, conducting security audits, and even providing security personnel in hospitals. However, the CPA was not enacted. One reason for this was that, when presented in Parliament, then-health minister Mansukh Mandaviya stated that the government opted not to pursue it, since most of its objectives were already addressed by the Epidemic Diseases (Amendment) Ordinance 2020. This decision highlights systemic issues within Indian governance, including a lack of sustained political will, bureaucratic barriers, and poor coordination between stakeholders, often at the expense of more immediate concerns. The complexity of state-level laws and the Indian healthcare system further complicates the creation of a comprehensive and enforceable national law. Reforming Healthcare Institutions The incident at RG Kar Medical College highlights the urgent need for reforms to ensure the safety of healthcare workers, particularly in government hospitals. India is experiencing a shortage of healthcare professionals, especially in these facilities, where staff are often overworked. To address this, the Prime Minister recently announced the addition of 75,000 medical college seats over the next five years, anticipating a 100 percent increase in demand for healthcare professionals by 2030. Beyond expanding the workforce, hospitals must improve working conditions by providing safe sleeping arrangements for female doctors, enhancing security through CCTV installations, and establishing quick response teams. Ensuring a supportive and secure environment is crucial for women in this demanding field. Education as a Catalyst for Changing Societal Attitudes Education is a powerful tool for combating gender-based violence, driving cultural shifts that can lead to lasting change. By focusing on consent, respect, and gender equality, comprehensive education can challenge societal norms like the objectification of women and dismantle patriarchal attitudes that contribute to misogyny and violence. A new generation raised with these values can elevate standards of equality and human dignity on a national scale. However, education alone is not enough; it must work in tandem with legal deterrents to provide a holistic solution. The issue of violence against healthcare professionals is part of a broader problem affecting all women in India, reflecting an entrenched patriarchal mindset that normalises such violence. To address this, we must challenge and dismantle the victim-blaming culture and outdated gender roles that persist in society. The challenge is that large parts of India still function with a 19th-century mindset, which complicates the nation’s progress on various fronts. This coexistence of different ‘centuries’ within the same geography makes it difficult to achieve uniform development, as the more advanced 21st-century ideals are often overshadowed by outdated norms and practices. Media, government, and civil society must collaborate to shift societal norms and attitudes, engaging local communities in discussions about gender equality and fostering grassroots movements. Involving men and boys in these initiatives is crucial. Additionally, fostering a sense of community responsibility is essential. By encouraging community vigilance, training individuals to recognize and intervene in situations of violence, and providing support to victims, we can create safer environments for women. A Path Forward The tragedy reminds us of both the stark reality of the vulnerability both women and healthcare professionals face in India as well as the immediate need for a systemic change. While the immediate focus is on rapidly ensuring justice for the victim and her family, hopefully setting a strong precedent, we must also focus more than ever on changing the systemic issues that contributed to this death. Strong policies are to be implemented to protect healthcare workers, education on