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Travelling 200 Years in 4 Hours: A Journey Across Arunachal and Assam

Author: sachin nandha, trustee and director India is still incredibly poor. It’s a stark reality that I couldn’t ignore as I travelled across the north-eastern states of Arunachal Pradesh and Assam. Despite the glittering towers and booming industries in India’s metropolitan centres, there’s another India—an India that feels like it belongs to a different century. This journey took me from the relatively developed yet fragmented plains of Assam to the remote, almost untouched hills of Arunachal Pradesh, where the contrast between progress and stagnation is palpable. The Three Centuries Model: A Snapshot of India Imagine traversing three centuries in the span of just four hours. That’s exactly what it felt like on my road trip from Dibrugarh, Assam, through the thick jungles and rugged hills of Arunachal Pradesh. In urban India, it’s easy to forget that not everyone is part of the rapid economic growth the country has seen over the past few decades. But as you move from the bustling streets of Dibrugarh into the dense forests and steep slopes of Arunachal, you quickly realise that many parts of India are still living in a world that resembles the 19th century more than the 21st. India’s growth is not inclusive. The country has certainly made significant strides, with a GDP growth rate that rivals some of the world’s largest economies. But this growth hasn’t reached everyone. The Three Centuries Model is a useful way to understand this: in places like Mumbai or Bengaluru, you might feel like you’re in the 21st century, surrounded by technology and modern infrastructure. In smaller towns like Dibrugarh, it’s more like the 20th century, with basic infrastructure, huge divides between the wealthy and the poor, and a struggle to balance the old with the new. Then, in places like Arunachal Pradesh, you find communities that are still living as if they’re in the 19th century—isolated, with minimal access to modern amenities, and deeply rooted in traditional ways of life. The Journey: From Assam to Arunachal Pradesh My journey began in Dibrugarh, a city in Assam that epitomises the clash between the 20th and 21st centuries. Dibrugarh is a city of contrasts, where the crumbling infrastructure and bustling, noisy streets stand in stark contrast to the serene tea gardens that surround it. The tea plantations here feel like stepping into a romantic novel by R.K. Narayan, with vast fields of lush green, the quiet broken only by the gentle rustle of the wind and the sight of butterflies dancing in the air. It’s a silence that is rare in India, a country known for its ceaseless activity. Yet, beneath this idyllic surface lies a deep economic divide. The tea gardens of Assam are a microcosm of the inequalities that persist across India. On one hand, you have the wealthy plantation owners, whose sprawling estates and luxurious lifestyles are reminiscent of a bygone era. On the other, you have the tea pickers—mostly women—who toil in the fields, earning meagre wages for seriously arduous work. Tea estates in Assam The disparity between the owners and workers is stark.  The average daily wage for a tea worker in Assam is around ₹300 (approximately £3per day), a figure that highlights the poverty and what many call exploitation faced by these labourers. Of course, this statistic isn’t fully in keeping with the truth, as these labourers get given accommodation and rations of rice and grain as part of their package. Furthermore, these labourers are well organised and often flex their power to shut down factories should they feel that they are being mistreated. Yet, regardless of numbers, millions of workers in tea plantations lead peasantry lives. Meanwhile, the tea industry is worth around £3 billion, with India being one of the largest producers of tea in the world. But this is not a Dickensian tale about rich megalomanic landlords thieving off the hard graft of the poor. Far from it. Most tea plantation owners are struggling to make a profit themselves. Much of this tea is sold in the UK, or in Japan for as much as £10 for 200 grams. There are structural problems that are international, and India is caught in a serious wedge, which if not handled well could lead to social strife between the poor and the perceived land-owning classes. This glaring inequality is a reminder of how much work remains to be done internationally to make growth more inclusive. Then, as we crossed into Arunachal Pradesh, the landscape changed dramatically. The roads became narrower and rougher, winding through dense forests and steep hills. The air grew cooler, and the environment seemed to grow wilder with each passing mile. Arunachal Pradesh is one of the most ecologically diverse regions in India, home to a stunning array of flora and fauna. The beauty of the place is breathtaking—tall trees tower overhead, while streams and rivers weave their way through valleys, bringing life to the land. Yet, despite its natural richness, the poverty here is striking. India does not prioritise education anywhere near as it ought to. This is evident in Arunachal Pradesh, where schools are few and far between, and many children don’t receive even basic education. According to government statistics, the literacy rate in Arunachal Pradesh is just 66%, significantly lower than the national average of 74%. The lack of educational infrastructure in this region is a stark reminder of the deep inequalities that persist in India. The Reality: Life in the 19th Century As we travelled deeper into the hills, it became clear that life here has changed little over the past century. Villages are small and scattered, with houses made of bamboo and thatch. Amenities like electricity and clean water are rare, and healthcare facilities are almost non-existent. The people here live close to the land, practicing traditional agriculture and hunting, but they are largely disconnected from the rapid growth seen in the rest of the country. Traditional home in Arunachal Pradesh. Skills development in India in large parts of the country is

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The Indian State: An Intrusive Legacy with Lofty Goals

Author: sachin nandha, trustee and director The concept of the state has long been a subject of deep inquiry and analysis, from the works of classical political philosophers to modern-day commentators. A state, fundamentally, is composed of several critical pillars—the judiciary, military, bureaucracy, and often an elite class that holds significant influence. However, the essence of a state, as postulated by Max Weber, is its monopoly on the legitimate use of physical force within its territory. It exists to protect its territorial integrity, enforce the rule of law, and create an environment conducive to the flourishing of its citizens. Ideally, taxation in such a state is a tool, not for enrichment, but to provide essential services and infrastructure that enable citizens to pursue their endeavours freely and effectively. Yet, the Indian state, though it shares these fundamental characteristics, has evolved into something far more complex and, some might argue, intrusive. Rooted in a unique historical context, the Indian state has grown into an entity designed to socially engineer its population, specifically targeting entrenched inequalities within Hindu society. This objective, while noble in its intent, has manifested in a state apparatus that is, at times, paternalistic and prone to overreach.   The Origins of the Indian State The Indian state did not emerge in a vacuum. Its modern incarnation is a direct descendant of both British colonial rule and the earlier Mughal administration. The British colonial state, as famously critiqued by Indian leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and B.R. Ambedkar, was primarily an extractive one, designed to siphon wealth from the Indian populace to serve the interests of the Empire. Nehru, in his seminal work The Discovery of India, lamented how “India was bled” by the colonial administration, which left behind a legacy of underdevelopment and exploitation. This colonial state was built on the remnants of the Mughal administration, which itself was a hierarchical and often autocratic system, albeit with a more feudal character. The British adapted and expanded this system to create a highly centralized and bureaucratic state apparatus, one that was deeply suspicious of the populace and heavily reliant on coercion to maintain order. When India gained independence in 1947, it inherited this centralized structure. However, the new leaders of India were determined to use the state not as a tool of extraction, but as an instrument of social transformation. This vision was encapsulated by B.R. Ambedkar, the principal architect of the Indian Constitution, who envisioned the state as a mechanism to uplift the oppressed and eradicate the deeply entrenched caste system. Ambedkar famously stated, “Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of it social democracy,” highlighting the intertwined nature of social and political justice in the Indian context. Ambedkar, the man who opposed Gandhi, and saw the State as essentially one that engineers a society.   The Indian State: A Tool for Social Engineering In pursuit of these transformative goals, the Indian state adopted a policy of affirmative action, or what is often referred to as “positive discrimination.” This was designed to uplift historically marginalized communities, particularly Dalits (formerly known as Untouchables) and other Scheduled Castes and Tribes. These policies were seen as necessary to rectify centuries of systemic oppression and to ensure that all citizens, regardless of their social background, could participate in the democratic process as equals. However, these well-intentioned policies also led to the creation of a state that is far more interventionist than many of its counterparts. The Indian state’s role extends beyond the typical functions of maintaining law and order or providing public goods. It has actively sought to reshape the social fabric of the nation, to eradicate caste-based discrimination, and to promote a more egalitarian society. As Nehru himself declared in a speech in 1950, “The service of India means the service of the millions who suffer. It means ending poverty and ignorance and disease and inequality of opportunity.” But the approach taken by the state has also been marked by a certain paternalism, rooted in the belief that the state knows what is best for its citizens. This has led to a tendency to impose top-down solutions without always taking into account the diverse needs and desires of India’s vast population. The state’s social engineering efforts, while aimed at promoting equality, have at times been criticized for stifling individual initiative and perpetuating a culture of dependency.   Extractive Practices: A Contemporary Example The extractive tendencies of the Indian state are not just relics of the past but can be observed in contemporary examples as well. A striking case of this was seen during the COVID-19 pandemic, which revealed how certain state government practices can be more extractive than enabling. In March 2020, just before the nationwide lockdown was imposed, many state governments renewed liquor licenses for restaurants and bars, collecting hefty fees from business owners. This was a significant expense for small restaurant owners, who paid these fees with the expectation that they would be able to operate their businesses as usual. However, within weeks, the government imposed a complete lockdown due to the COVID-19 pandemic, forcing all restaurants and bars to shut down indefinitely. The lockdown continued for months, with no refunds or concessions provided to the business owners who had just paid for their liquor licenses. Thousands of small restaurants were left high and dry, unable to operate yet burdened with the cost of licenses they could not use. This was not just a case of bad timing; it highlighted the extractive nature of the state’s approach, where revenue collection took precedence over fair treatment of citizens. This situation exemplifies the systemic issues within the Indian state where the common citizen often finds themselves powerless against the machinery of government. The lack of recourse or accountability in such situations underscores the state’s tendency to act in its own financial interest, often at the expense of those it is meant to serve. Such practices erode trust in the state and reinforce the perception that the government is

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Accountability, Participation and Civic Education: The Roadmap Towards Sustainable Democracy? 

Author: Pravar Petkar, Head of Strengthening Democracy Desk In one of his first statements to Parliament as the new Prime Minister of the UK, Sir Keir Starmer referenced the lack of confidence in contemporary British politics, stating that “the need to restore trust should weigh heavily on every Member here, new and returning alike.” This is an ongoing issue: recent surveys by the Pew Research Center suggest that satisfaction with democracy in the UK has declined from 60% in 2021 to only 39% in 2024; the US has seen a fall from 41% to 31%, whilst France has dropped from 44% to 35%. Across the Channel, following gains for the far-right in the 2024 EU elections, some commentators have pointed to a divide between pro-democracy and anti-democracy factions in Europe. We are confronted by an urgent need to restore trust in our politicians and the very democratic systems in which they operate. Revitalising and regenerating contemporary democracies, I believe, must be underpinned by three central principles: accountability, participation and civic education.  Accountability  There is a worrying trend the world over in leaders seeking to evade the checks and balances on power. Recently, a British Prime Minister was found to have misled Parliament on the upholding of COVID-19 regulations. The former UK government’s ‘Rwanda Scheme’ for asylum seekers was pushed forward in reckless disregard of international law, as upheld by the UK Supreme Court itself. The Election Commission of India appears to have been politicised, judging by its lax responses to religiously divisive rhetoric from PM Modi during the recent election campaign, whilst Poland’s former ruling dispensation (the Law and Justice Party) enacted a series of reforms politicising the judiciary before losing power in late 2023. Few will forget the events of 6 January 2021, when supporters of President Trump stormed the Capitol to halt the peaceful transfer of power following President Biden’s confirmation.  Any successful and sustainable democracy needs robust checks and balances on power. The UK’s historical reliance on norms of good conduct – the ‘good chaps’ theory of government  – has proven unable to stem the tide; stronger restrictions are required, whether enforced by the courts or other independent bodies. These checks and balances have a dual role: to ensure citizens’ survival and so that they can have genuine influence over the state. The state must uphold those fundamental human rights necessary for the people it governs to harmoniously coexist, and which provide the essential conditions for democratic government to continue, including freedom of speech and freedom of assembly within reasonable limits. International human rights law cannot be seen simply as a needless check on power; it instead guarantees the conditions for the state to fulfil its purpose, making a culture of respect for international law – one which has been lacking recently in the UK – essential to ensure government is held to account.   Moreover, our electoral systems must reflect citizens’ policy preferences as closely and proportionately as possible: government is, after all, ‘for the people’. Citizens should, periodically, be able to have a say on how their society is structured and governed: models such as the US Constitution, under which change is so difficult as to be virtually impossible, are no longer sustainable. Rights to protest and assemble must always be available as a last resort to push elected officials towards change, but we cannot fall back on these options too often: our democratic systems must ensure citizens have regular opportunities to hold politicians to account.  Participation  Today, government is supposed to be for the people and is certainly framed as being ‘of the people’, but it is rarely by the people. The extent of most citizens’ democratic engagement is limited to the election of representatives at local, regional and national levels every few years. Yet the tide is now starting to turn. There is increasing experimentation with new mechanisms of participation such as citizens’ assemblies, the most well-known of which is perhaps that held in Ireland on abortion in 2018. There have been notable referendums, including the 2016 EU referendum in the UK, and even the crowdsourcing of new constitutional proposals in Iceland in 2012. Our world is starting to think beyond the representative democratic paradigm that has dominated our politics for the last 75 years.  If our democracies are to sustain themselves into the future, there must be more opportunities for citizen participation on a range of issues, from both difficult and controversial moral problems to local challenges. This is not a call for elected representatives to abdicate their responsibilities – we will still need elected politicians to stand up for our interests on common national and international issues. Yet it is becoming clearer that on a range of issues, giving the people more of a voice has great benefits. These range from enhancing policy debate by crystallising consensus on reform, to developing citizen awareness on key issues such as climate change and cultivating a sense of civic responsibility and social welfare. Our contemporary toolkit is no longer limited to in-person gatherings across weekends. Citizens’ panels and assemblies were moved online during the COVID-19 pandemic, whilst Estonia and Taiwan have led the way in creating online platforms where citizens can make and vote on policy proposals. The future is one of distributed networks for proposing and voting on legislative amendments, online participatory communities to review executive decision-making and even novel deliberative systems on bespoke online platforms, using the latest developments in generative AI to facilitate discussions, aggregate preferences and more. Whilst standing on a busy main road with a placard will not lose its significance overnight, the future of democratic participation is increasingly likely to be a digital one.  Civic Education  If people are to be well equipped to participate in public debate on key policy issues, our education systems must be in good working order. We are beset by misinformation – not only through clever political advertising and the use of ‘deepfake’ technology, but also on the social media platforms that increasingly

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Catalyst for Change: Addressing the Systemic Failures Behind the Tragedy at RG Kar Medical College

Author: Chloe Schuber, Operations Assistant : Strengthening Democracy Desk The recent tragedy which took place on Friday 9th August, where a young female post-graduate trainee (PGT) doctor was brutally raped and murdered while on duty at the RG Kar Medical College in Kolkata, has deeply impacted and scarred the Indian nation’s conscience. What does this crime mean for Indian society, and what policy and societal reforms are being prioritized in response to this crisis? This incident has reawakened, with a newfound strength, calls to reflect on the failure of law enforcement as well as one for systemic change across multiple facets of Indian society. A Call for Immediate Government Action The need is clear for an immediate and robust response from the central government. Justice must be served effectively and in such a clear manner that this case becomes a genuine deterrent or sets a national precedent, rather than becoming just another instance of violence against women. The investigation has been transferred to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) due to concerns over the local police’s mishandling of the case, potential evidence destruction, and the lack of progress in the five days following the incident. A statement by Prime Minister Modi was issued on 15th August, answering the nation’s at times adamant needs for a response condemning this violence, alongside ensuring that justice will be served and pushing for a united stance against gender-based violence. Modi said, ‘There is anger among the common people. I can feel this anger. […] The country, society and our state governments will have to take this seriously. It is important that those who commit demonic acts should be given severe punishment as soon as possible to build trust in the society.’ Protecting Healthcare Workers Following this incident, both women and the medical community as a whole have launched widespread protests. Healthcare professionals in India, especially women, are increasingly vulnerable to violence; a 2015 survey revealed 75% of this demographic had been victim of some form of violence. Unfortunately, no other significant data sets appear to address this prevalent issue, highlighting the need for further research. The need for a Union legislation to protect medical staff accordingly is ever so urgent. 25 of India’s States and Union Territories do have some laws in that regard, but they are poorly enforced with little to no convictions and therefore, no effective deterrent. The proposed Central Protection Act (CPA) – introduced in the lower house of Parliament (the Lok Sabha) in 2022 but never enacted – aimed to address these issues by making violence against healthcare workers a non-bailable offence, improving CCTV installations, conducting security audits, and even providing security personnel in hospitals. However, the CPA was not enacted. One reason for this was that, when presented in Parliament, then-health minister Mansukh Mandaviya stated that the government opted not to pursue it, since most of its objectives were already addressed by the Epidemic Diseases (Amendment) Ordinance 2020. This decision highlights systemic issues within Indian governance, including a lack of sustained political will, bureaucratic barriers, and poor coordination between stakeholders, often at the expense of more immediate concerns. The complexity of state-level laws and the Indian healthcare system further complicates the creation of a comprehensive and enforceable national law. Reforming Healthcare Institutions The incident at RG Kar Medical College highlights the urgent need for reforms to ensure the safety of healthcare workers, particularly in government hospitals. India is experiencing a shortage of healthcare professionals, especially in these facilities, where staff are often overworked. To address this, the Prime Minister recently announced the addition of 75,000 medical college seats over the next five years, anticipating a 100 percent increase in demand for healthcare professionals by 2030. Beyond expanding the workforce, hospitals must improve working conditions by providing safe sleeping arrangements for female doctors, enhancing security through CCTV installations, and establishing quick response teams. Ensuring a supportive and secure environment is crucial for women in this demanding field. Education as a Catalyst for Changing Societal Attitudes Education is a powerful tool for combating gender-based violence, driving cultural shifts that can lead to lasting change. By focusing on consent, respect, and gender equality, comprehensive education can challenge societal norms like the objectification of women and dismantle patriarchal attitudes that contribute to misogyny and violence. A new generation raised with these values can elevate standards of equality and human dignity on a national scale. However, education alone is not enough; it must work in tandem with legal deterrents to provide a holistic solution. The issue of violence against healthcare professionals is part of a broader problem affecting all women in India, reflecting an entrenched patriarchal mindset that normalises such violence. To address this, we must challenge and dismantle the victim-blaming culture and outdated gender roles that persist in society. The challenge is that large parts of India still function with a 19th-century mindset, which complicates the nation’s progress on various fronts. This coexistence of different ‘centuries’ within the same geography makes it difficult to achieve uniform development, as the more advanced 21st-century ideals are often overshadowed by outdated norms and practices. Media, government, and civil society must collaborate to shift societal norms and attitudes, engaging local communities in discussions about gender equality and fostering grassroots movements. Involving men and boys in these initiatives is crucial. Additionally, fostering a sense of community responsibility is essential. By encouraging community vigilance, training individuals to recognize and intervene in situations of violence, and providing support to victims, we can create safer environments for women. A Path Forward The tragedy reminds us of both the stark reality of the vulnerability both women and healthcare professionals face in India as well as the immediate need for a systemic change. While the immediate focus is on rapidly ensuring justice for the victim and her family, hopefully setting a strong precedent, we must also focus more than ever on changing the systemic issues that contributed to this death. Strong policies are to be implemented to protect healthcare workers, education on

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Reflections on India’s New Budget

Author: sachin nandha, trustee and director Can PM Modi’s government deliver what India needs? India faces significant long-term economic challenges that require substantial policy reforms to unlock its true potential. Despite being branded as “Modinomics,” the economic policies under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s tenure have not deviated significantly from interventionist and socialist practices. This branding should be dropped from the popular lexicon, as it serves more as political marketing than an accurate representation of transformative economic policy. Real change necessitates a move towards promoting private enterprise, reducing regulatory burdens, and embracing market-driven solutions. The Reality Behind “Modinomics” The term “Modinomics” suggests a radical new economic strategy, but in reality, it masks the continuity of traditional policies. India’s economy remains heavily interventionist, with significant government control over key sectors. Despite rhetoric about economic liberalization, substantial reforms to foster private enterprise and reduce state intervention have been limited. For example, the recent budget, while avoiding overtly populist measures, still reflects an interventionist approach. The allocations to states like Andhra Pradesh and Bihar are framed as resource mobilization through multilateral development banks, yet they maintain central oversight and control. The fiscal deficit is set to reduce from 5.1% to 4.9%, bolstered by a significant $22 billion dividend from the RBI. While this is fiscally prudent, it is not indicative of a significant shift towards a market-driven economy. Positive Aspects of the Budget 1. Employment Generation Focus:  – With India’s official unemployment rate hovering around 7.8%, but in reality could be much higher, the budget’s emphasis on job creation is crucial. The announcement of schemes incentivising employers to hire more regular workers is a positive step. These measures acknowledge the urgent need for employment opportunities and align with sound economic principles. This becomes even more apparent when considering that India faces a young population that is largely unskilled and in many cases unemployable. The government has launched a variety of skills development programmes, as well as incentives for employers to employee low skilled workers and to train them through apprentice style programs.  10-12 million new job seekers enter into India’s job market per annum. 2. Agricultural Productivity and Natural Farming:  – Agriculture, which accounts for about 18% of India’s GDP and employs nearly 50% of the workforce, needs urgent reform. The budget’s focus on raising agricultural productivity through a review of the agricultural research establishment is noteworthy. Additionally, the expansion of the natural farming package to 10 million farmers could revolutionise the sector. Studies show that natural farming can increase farmers’ incomes by reducing input costs and improving soil health. 3. Urban Redevelopment:  – Recognising the importance of cities in driving economic growth, the budget proposes initiatives for urban redevelopment. India’s urban population is projected to reach 600 million by 2031, making urban planning crucial. Targeting 14 major cities for transit-oriented development, reducing stamp duties for women homeowners, and building housing for the urban poor and industrial workers are commendable steps. These initiatives can help address the urban housing deficit, which is estimated to be around 18.78 million units. The sheer scale of this makes the UK’s housing problem miniscule.  Missed Opportunities 1. Privatisation of Public Sector Enterprises:  – The budget could have set ambitious targets for privatising public sector enterprises, especially given their high market valuations. Public sector banks, for instance, have a combined market capitalisation of over $120 billion. Privatisation could enhance efficiency and reduce the fiscal burden, with proceeds potentially reducing the public debt to GDP ratio, which stands at around 84%. Of course there are many reasons why the government is reluctant to do this, as it gives politicians significant power to intervene and drive economic incentive schemes of their liking.  2. Asset Monetisation:  – There is a lack of a concrete plan for asset monetisation, which could convert underutilised government assets into productive use. The National Monetisation Pipeline (NMP) targets raising $72 billion by monetising core assets, but this budget missed an opportunity to accelerate these efforts. Revenues from such initiatives could significantly reduce public debt and interest pay-outs, which consume nearly 40% of tax revenues. 3. Regulatory and Compliance Reforms:  – Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) continue to be burdened by regulatory and compliance requirements. The World Bank’s Ease of Doing Business Index ranks India at 63rd out of 190 countries. A time-bound plan to reduce these burdens, along with finalising the long-pending labour codes, would have been highly beneficial. Simplifying the compliance landscape could help SMEs, which contribute about 30% to India’s GDP and employ over 110 million people. Reflections While the budget presents a long-term vision focused on employment generation and sustainable growth, India’s economic landscape still faces significant challenges. The country must address regulatory inefficiencies, promote privatisation, and streamline compliance to unlock its true potential. These reforms, though politically sensitive, are essential for India’s economic transformation. Only through such bold measures can India hope to sustain high growth rates and realise its latent potential.  India, although having arrived at an inflexion point, is still at a very nascent stage in its development. India is poised for significant economic growth over the next 25 years, driven by its demographic dividend, rapid urbanisation, and expanding middle class. By 2050, India is expected to become the world’s third-largest economy, with a GDP projected to reach $35 trillion, up from $3.5 trillion in 2023 (Goldman Sachs, 2023). Today these figures by Goldman look fanciful, but considering that even if India fails to make the reforms it so badly requires, it will nevertheless less reach $20 trillion in the worst case scenario. This will still make India a centre for economic, cultural, and military power. The country’s working-age population is set to peak at nearly 1 billion by 2050, providing a substantial labour force for economic activities (World Bank, 2023). Additionally, the rise of the middle class, expected to encompass 1 billion people by 2030, will drive consumer demand and investment (Brookings Institution, 2023).  What India ultimately lacks and so desperately requires is better politics. References: 1. “RBI Transfers

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The Cost of Democracy: A Critical Look at India’s Electoral Landscape

Author: sachin nandha, trustee and director In the vibrant tapestry of India’s democracy, elections are the most vivid threads, woven with the hopes, aspirations, and voices of over a billion people. Yet, beneath the colorful surface lies a complex and often troubling reality. As we journey through the electoral landscape of India, we uncover the stark truths about the money spent on elections, the manipulation of religious and caste identities, the dismal engagement of women, and the overwhelming power concentrated in the hands of a few. The Price of Power: Money in Elections India’s elections are among the most expensive in the world. In the 2019 general elections, political parties spent an astounding $8.5 billion (₹60,000 crore), a figure that surpasses the GDP of several small countries. This expenditure dwarfs the amounts spent in other democracies. For comparison, the 2019 general election in the UK saw political parties spend approximately £113 million ($150 million). In Japan, the expenditure for the 2017 general election was around ¥67.1 billion ($650 million). These figures highlight the enormous financial scale of Indian elections, raising crucial questions about the integrity and inclusivity of the democratic process. In rural villages, the situation is even more alarming. Reports indicate that voters are often paid anywhere from ₹500 to ₹2000 (£5 to £20) for their votes, a practice that blatantly undermines the principles of democracy. This monetisation of votes not only corrupts the electoral process but also perpetuates a cycle of poverty and dependency. As a farmer from Uttar Pradesh candidly put it, “During elections, politicians come with money. But after they win, they disappear.” A controversy raged over how political parties raised the enormous amounts of money to fight the general elections in 2024. Dividing the Vote : Religion and Caste Religion and caste have long been potent forces in Indian politics. Politicians craftily exploit these identities to create loyal voter blocks. The use of religion in politics is not a new phenomenon, but its recent intensification is worrisome. Political parties often align themselves with religious groups, promising to protect their interests in exchange for votes. This not only polarises society but also distracts from pressing issues like education, healthcare, and employment. For instance, during the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) tenure under Sonia Gandhi’s leadership, there were several instances where religion was used to consolidate votes. The promotion of certain welfare schemes targeted specifically at minority communities was perceived by many as an attempt to secure a solid vote bank. Programs like the Sachar Committee Report and the 15-Point Program for minorities were seen as steps to win over Muslim voters, even as critics argued that these initiatives could exacerbate communal divides. Similarly, caste continues to be a critical factor in Indian elections. Despite legal safeguards, caste-based discrimination and violence persist. Politicians exploit these divisions, promising benefits to certain castes in return for their support. During the same UPA tenure, the Congress party often employed caste dynamics to its advantage. For example, in states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, the party made concerted efforts to appeal to Dalits and Other Backward Classes (OBCs) by promising reservations and other benefits, further entrenching caste loyalties. This cynical manipulation perpetuates caste hierarchies and hinders social progress. As a Dalit activist from Tamil Nadu remarked, “Caste is the curse of Indian politics. It’s the invisible hand that controls our votes.” The Gender Gap: Lack of Women Engagement Women, who constitute nearly half of India’s population, remain significantly underrepresented in politics. In the 2019 elections, only 14.3% of the candidates were women. This gender gap is starkly evident in the Lok Sabha, where women hold just 78 of the 543 seats. Why Are There So Few Women in Parliament? The reasons for the low representation of women in Indian politics are multifaceted. Societal norms and cultural barriers often discourage women from entering politics. Family responsibilities, societal expectations, and a lack of financial resources further hinder their political participation. According to a study by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR), women candidates face significant challenges, including gender bias, threat of violence, and inadequate party support. Consequently, women’s issues, from maternal health to gender-based violence, often receive inadequate attention and are frequently side-lined in the political discourse. Violence against women remains a severe issue. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), 371,503 cases of crimes against women were reported in 2020, an increase from previous years. This includes cases of domestic violence, sexual assault, and dowry-related violence. Shockingly, 87 rape cases are reported daily in India, highlighting the grim reality that women face across the country. Art to empower women. But India has a long way to go on gender related equality. The lack of education and awareness around women’s health is another significant issue. In rural India, maternal mortality rates remain alarmingly high. According to a report by the Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India, the maternal mortality ratio (MMR) is 113 per 100,000 live births as of 2017-2019, with higher rates in rural areas. Women in rural regions often lack access to quality healthcare and education, exacerbating health issues and mortality rates. Education for girls also lags behind, with UNESCO reporting that 40% of adolescent girls aged 15-18 years are not attending school in India. This lack of meaningful education severely limits opportunities for women and perpetuates cycles of poverty and dependency. Power and Representation: The MP’s Dilemma In India, Members of Parliament (MPs) wield significant power. With constituencies averaging 2 million people, an MP’s role is both critical and challenging. This vast number makes genuine representation difficult, often resulting in a disconnect between MPs and their constituents. A citizen’s access to Justice Justice in India is expensive, time-consuming, and often inaccessible to the common man. Enforcing contracts or criminal law can be slow and cumbersome, with cases often dragging on for years. The World Bank’s “Doing Business” report ranks India 163rd out of 190 countries in contract enforcement, highlighting the inefficiency of the judicial system. The

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The Democratic Implications of the 2024 Labour Landslide

Author: Pravar Petkar, Head of Strengthening Democracy Desk The 2024 General Election in the UK has brought an end to 14 years of Conservative government, ushering in a Labour regime with a landslide election victory. Of the 650 seats in the UK Parliament, the Labour Party has won 412, with the Conservatives on 121, and the Liberal Democrats on 71, on a turnout of 60%.[i] This represents the largest majority in the UK Parliament since the New Labour victory in 1997. However, the result has troubling implications both for the UK’s First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) electoral system and the prospects for reform, and will also shape the legitimacy of the new government’s major policy and constitutional reform proposals. FPTP and the 2024 General Election Results Under FPTP in the UK, Members of Parliament are elected in 650 single-member constituencies across the country. These are winner-takes-all contests: the candidate with the most votes will win the seat, even if they fall short of an overall majority. In the 2024 General Election, this has produced the following results: Party Seats Seat Share Votes Vote Share Votes per Seat Labour 412 63.4% 9,804,655 33.7% 23,798 Conservatives 121 18.6% 6,827,311 23.7% 56,424 Liberal Democrats 72 11.1% 3,519,199 12.2% 48,878 Scottish National Party (SNP) 9 1.4% 724,758 2.5% 80,529 Sinn Fein 7 1.1% 210,891 0.7% 30,127 Independent 6 0.9% 564,243 2.0% 94,041 Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) 5 0.8% 172,058 0.6% 34,412 Reform UK 5 0.8% 4,117,221 14.3% 823,444 Green Parties 4 0.6% 1,943,265 6.7% 485,816 Plaid Cymru 4 0.6% 194,811 0.7% 48,703 Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) 2 0.3% 86,861 0.3% 43,431 Alliance Party 1 0.2% 117,191 0.4% 117,191 Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) 1 0.2% 94,779 0.3% 94,779 Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) 1 0.2% 48,685 0.2% 48,685 Table 1: UK General Election Results 2024 The table above indicates some startling results. The total number of votes won by Labour is smaller than in the 2019 General Election by around half a million,[ii] yet this translated in 2024 to more than double the number of seats. Reform UK won the third-highest number of popular votes yet rank only joint seventh-highest (including the grouping of Independent MPs) in terms of seat share. Indeed, its vote share across the UK was higher than that of the Liberal Democrats, which won more than 14 times the number of seats. To gain any one seat, the Green Party needed over 20 times as many votes as Labour did for their respective seats, and Reform UK required almost 35 times as many votes. This indicates significant disparities in respect of the practical impact of individual votes under the current FPTP system in the UK. The data above verifies the pre-election predictions that this contest would produce one of the most disproportionate Parliaments in the history of the UK. FPTP has proven itself unsuitable to translating citizens’ preferences into legislative representation in what has become a genuine multi-party landscape. This reduces the extent to which the UK’s representative democratic system can be considered genuine popular self-government, the principle at the heart of modern democracy. Against this background, the case for reform is overwhelming. Alternatives to FPTP Amongst the alternatives, two forms of proportional representation emerge as potential candidates. The first is the nationwide system of proportional representation (PR) used in countries such as the Netherlands and Israel. Under this form of PR, the entire country acts as a ‘nationwide’ constituency, with seats in the legislature allocated in proportion to the number of votes cast for each party using either the d’Hondt or Saint-Lague formulas. Some such systems have a minimum overall threshold of votes which parties must reach to win a seat. This is designed to protect against the fragmentation of legislatures that would otherwise result from the representation of several small parties.[iii] However, a ‘nationwide’ constituency is not an appropriate hypothetical framework for any UK-wide election. Where the PR constituency is ‘nationwide’, all the political parties on the ballot paper must be nationwide political parties. This is because neither the d’Hondt nor the Saint-Lague systems for allocating seats are designed to differentiate between regional and national parties; this must instead be done when designing the constituencies for a PR system. The UK has several regional parties: the Scottish National Party only contests seats in Scotland, Plaid Cymru only contests seats in Wales, and Northern Ireland has its own political parties not found elsewhere in the UK (including Sinn Fein and the Democratic Unionist Party). Were the UK analysed as a ‘nationwide’ constituency using the d’Hondt formula and the number of votes actually cast for each party in the 2024 election, the following results might hypothetically be produced:[iv] Party Votes Vote Share Seats Seat Share Labour 9,804,655 33.7% 229 35.2% Conservatives 6,827,311 23.7% 159 24.5% Reform UK 4,117,221 14.3% 96 14.8% Liberal Democrats 3,519,199 12.2% 82 12.6% Green Parties 1,943,265 6.8% 45 6.9% SNP 724,758 2.5% 16 2.5% Sinn Fein 210,891 0.7% 4 0.6% Workers Party 210,194 0.7% 4 0.6% Plaid Cymru 194,811 0.7% 4 0.6% DUP 172,058 0.6% 4 0.6% Alliance Party 117,191 0.4% 2 0.3% UUP 94,779 0.3% 2 0.3% SDLP 86,861 0.3% 2 0.3% TUV 48,685 0.2% 1 0.2% Table 2: UK General Election Results 2024 – on ‘nationwide’ party list PR system With 326 seats required for an overall majority, a coalition would be required, with the most likely option being one between Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the Green Parties (356 seats) producing a narrow majority. This would amount to 54.7% of the total seats in the UK Parliament on 52.7% of the popular vote, thus producing a considerably more proportionate outcome. Because the ‘nationwide’ constituency requires, in practice, a certain threshold of votes in order to secure a single seat, it is unlikely that any Independent candidates would be elected. However, it is unwise to draw major conclusions from this analysis, because it treats the SNP, Plaid Cymru and all the Northern Irish parties as if they were national parties. Given this, a preferable hypothetical model

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Reflecting on Faith-Based Manifestos and Democratic Integrity

Author: Chloe Schuber, Operations Assistant : Strengthening Democracy Desk With the UK general elections now over, it is maybe timely to reflect on the plethora of religious groups that have put forth manifestos, or general guidance trying to achieve a) awareness of their concerns, and b) lobbying MPs who were desperate to win votes often in marginal seats with ultimatums. While the goal may be noble and certainly common practice across the world, especially in secular countries, the question arises of where the intersection between religion and democracy becomes a problem or even oversteps boundaries. This article will compare and analyse the five published religious manifestos, their key demands, and if some stand out as more problematic, needing to be deconstructed further. I will provide an overview of the religious manifestos as well as their key verticals or demands. The Christian manifesto emphasises social justice, poverty alleviation, and equality. Supporting organisations such as Cafod call for the cessation of new oil and gas licenses alongside the restoration of the UK’s aid budget to 0.7% of gross national income (decreased to 0.5% since 2020), reflecting a strong commitment to environmental sustainability and a push for the United Kingdom to continue aiding low-income, vulnerable countries. All perfectly noble at first glance. The Sikh manifesto focuses on key and pressing issues such as hate crimes (against Sikhs), representation, and perceived historical justice, including the 1984 Amritsar conflict between the Indian State, and separatist militants who had barricaded themselves into the Golden Temple fully armed dreaming of Khalistan. There was an ask for representation in public and political life, alongside recognition of the Sikh’s contribution to British society. The manifesto calls for further safety measures against their perceived lived religious discrimination. It is worthy to note that Sikh Federation who authored the report themselves have tenuous links to what the Bloom report called Pro-Khalistan extremists (PKEs).  The Islamic manifesto, outlined by the Muslim Council of Britain (MCB), takes the form of a website. It presents both key commitments alongside an analysis of all candidates and their alignment with those commitments. Ten key commitments for candidates include a push for further inclusivity, support for international peace, and better access to housing and healthcare for the Muslim community. Specific issues such as combating Islamophobia, the recognition of Palestine and call for an immediate ceasefire, and the need for equitable access to all UK social services are highlighted. Like all other religious minorities’ manifestos, the call for further security regarding religious discrimination is placed at the forefront. Once again, it is worth noting that the MCB has had its fair share of controversy with apparent direct connection with, and tacit support for Islamists. The Home Office has generally kept the MCB at arm’s length for these reasons. The Hindu Manifesto, developed by Hindus for Democracy, an organisation we have analysed in depth in another article here, outlines seven key demands. These include the recognition of anti-Hindu hate as hate crimes, the protection of Hindu temples, and improved representation of the religion in education. A need for streamlined visa processes for Hindu priests and elderly dependents has been called for, as well as the need for Hindu places of worship to receive equal treatment regarding security funding. This is the first time that a Hindu group has arisen during a general election making demands, and highlighting what they consider to be the need of Hindus.  The Jewish manifesto focuses on combating antisemitism, supporting Israel, and protecting Jewish communities. It calls for government action to address hate crimes and heighten security measures. The manifesto advocates for policies to support Jewish cultural and religious practices. The community’s engagement seems to reflect the need for stronger legal and social frameworks to combat antisemitism. Now to cover a critical question, is it healthy for a democracy if religious groups campaign and deeply engage with politics on issues related to their faith, and their adherents rather than the ‘common good’? When religious groups mobilise around specific faith-based issues, a risk of societal fragmentation arises. At the end of this road lies sectarianism. Voting based on religious identity, especially when manifestos push for conformity to certain political choices straying from the core of religious values, undermines individual autonomy as it puts pressure and adds to the risk of division within these communities. The problem seems to intensify with specific demands put forth, whom, between the lines, posit voting a certain way makes you a ‘good’ member of a faith as community leaders have decided to advocate a particular policy, whether it may be through a specific interpretation of religious texts or even political opinions and biases formed over decades within the country at stake. I wish to outline two examples to demonstrate the point. to underline the conscient choice of these religious groups to include in their manifestos political and dividing opinion on certain issues.  Firstly, the Christian manifesto has a strong position of support on conversion therapy. Whilst explaining that they do not believe in the extreme tactics the LGBT communities have drawn it out to be, they believe this practice should be protected. On a very basic level, it is hard for many Christians to stand behind that as conversion therapy has proven to go against freedom from persecution and discrimination based on sexuality. Whether or not the actual practices go against human rights is a more delicate and uncertain discussion, which is beyond the scope of this short piece.  Similarly, on another religious manifesto, the Jewish one, the choice to put as one of the key demands the support for Israel amidst heavy political debates and a certain nuance agreed upon by many, including international organisations and politicians, shows the refusal to take part in this constructive, nuanced solution-building process of this war. The same can be said about the Muslim manifesto which has significant overtones for Palestine. Whilst obviously some consequences related to this war are undeniable and factual such as the rise in antisemitism and murder of Israelis

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What is the need for yet another faith-based manifesto?

We decided to ask the community. On 8th June 2024, a new group called Hindus for Democracy suddenly came out of nowhere and joined the din of faith-based groups presenting political manifestos. Our diaspora desk took the initiative to investigate why this group, a loose composition of various Hindu organisations, felt the need to produce a 7-point demand of politicians to take note if they wanted the Hindu vote.   As a rule, religious manifestos should be received with sufficient skepticism, as they can be subversive to the democratic process. The essence of a liberal democracy is the separation between Church and State, for the obvious matter that in a diverse society policy-makers ought to be making their decisions on rational, impartial grounds, one that takes the considerations of all citizens. Often religious manifestos can prioritise particular religious grievances over what is good for the majority. They can also be divisive, narrow in mandate, and can “other” different groups within the society. These religious groups often emphasize foreign affairs and can drown out the discussion on everyday British matters that concern the vast majority. It is with this skepticism that we wanted to review the Hindu manifesto, and ask those who championed it, why they felt it was necessary.    We asked Trupi Patel, President of the Hindu Forum of Britain, who told us: “ The document highlights the importance of Hindu aspirations in the political fabric of British society and inform the future Parliamentarians about the rightful needs of the community”. Rajnish Kashyap, the General Secretary of the Hindu Council (UK), another Hindu umbrella body said: “This document aims to maintain the community’s religious and cultural practices”. Echoing similar thoughts, and adding how this document would be helpful for the community itself, Mr. Dhiraj  Shah, President of Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (UK) said: “The Hindu community in the UK is well integrated, law-abiding, and a net contributing community to every sector of national life, beyond its numbers. While these are positive points, several community concerns have not been properly addressed. Faith-based consultation is a part of the policy-making framework of the United Kingdom’s democratic tradition. Therefore, this manifesto is a democratic instrument for Hindus in the UK to engage with politicians. This will give the government clear guidance on the needs of the Hindu community. The particular community-specific aspirations mentioned in the seven themes of the manifesto are in addition to general aspirations like access to healthcare and controlling inflation, which concern all the residents living in the UK.” A national team member of INSIGHT UK, a group representing the Hindu and Indian community mentioned that “Hinduphobia or Anti-Hindu hate is on the up in the UK, as we all saw during the Leicester unrest”. To further support this point, Insight UK also referred to a 2023 report on ‘Anti-Hindu Hate in Schools in the UK’ commissioned by the Henry Jackson Society. They went on to tell us, “The manifesto provides a working definition of ‘Anti-Hindu hate’, which may be adopted, or discussion may start around it to define and recognise it as a religious hate-crime.  Recognition of Hindu-hate, as a hate crime is one thing, but the manifesto also asks that anyone involved in Hindu-hate be prosecuted and an organisation that spreads Hindu-hate even proscribed. The Muslim Council of Britain is another body that has been championing Islamophobia along the same grounds and has also been criticised for trying to shut down fair criticism. What those who are behind the new Hindu manifesto seem to be pointing towards is that whereas the Police and the wider British State seem to recognise Antisemitism and Islamophobia, Hindu-hate is a relatively unknown concept and not logged, and therefore remains invisible.     The second theme concerns the protection of Hindu places of worship (Mandirs). The document refers to the special security schemes framed by the UK government for the protection of places of worship for Jews and Muslims. As cited by the manifesto, these schemes grant GBP 117 million for the protection of the Mosques and GBP 70 million for the protection of Synagogues. The manifesto demands a similar special protection scheme for the protection of Hindu Mandirs, particularly in the light of attacks on Hindu mandirs in the recent past. A spokesperson of ‘Hindu Mandir Network’ said “without disputing the necessity of a special protection scheme for other places of worship, we expect that it is recognised that Hindu Mandirs are equally at risk from Hate-crimes and therefore equal and appropriate special financial support should be provided.”. We asked young Hindus too, about their involvement in the creation of the Hindu Manifesto. We asked Nikita Trivedi, Sabbatical Officer at the National Hindu Students’ Forum (NHSF UK), who said that “everyone knows that education is the most important thing for any Hindu parent. We literally worship knowledge. It seems only fair that the State recognises that the Hindu community also has challenges around access to good schools.”  Asmita Bhudia, a representative of the Hindu Education Board (HEB), and a teacher herself, told us “that there is a pressing need for a comprehensive and accurate representation of Hinduism in Religious Education (RE) within UK schools”. Hindu children in the UK seldom have a choice to pick up their own religious tradition to study at higher levels. Additionally, text books and information on teaching Hinduism is patchy at best, and rather non-existent in many places. It seems perfectly reasonable to highlight the need for fair access, and additional resources to help produce better, more accurate material for teachers, coupled with adequate training.   The issue of immigration has also been raised in the Hindu Manifesto (UK), somewhat bizarrely. There are three asks in the document: First, to streamline the visa process for Hindu priests to be allowed into the country who are often caretakers of some of the 380 Hindu temples across the country. Mr. Rajnish Kashyap from Hindu Council UK and Chairperson of Vishwa Hindu Kendra Mandir Southall noted that “Hindu temples in the UK often struggle to

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Rishi Sunak’s National Service: Insights and Discussion  

Author: Chloe Schuber, Operations Assistant : Strengthening Democracy Desk 26th of May. Rishi Sunak proposes reintroducing mandatory national service for 18-year-olds where the ruling Conservative Party is reelected. This announcement was recent, politically, as well as electorally strategic, given contrasting statements from the party days before. This strategic move by Sunak has stirred controversy and criticism by both the public and opposing parties in the upcoming elections, casting a shadow over the Conservative’s already troubled campaign.    The plan aims to have every 18-year-old by September 2025 enrolled in armed forces placements or non-military volunteering. Community volunteering, equating to 25 days over a year would be within organisations such as the NHS, emergency services, and local infrastructures. The military placement is a more intensive and selective program with 30,000 placements intensive for the “brightest and the best” 18-year-olds in areas relating to cyber security, civil response, or even logistics.  This 2.5 billion-costing attempt at a renewed sense of purpose amongst younger generations and patriotism has been criticized by Labour amongst others as desperate and unfunded.   Who is this for, if not for the younger generation concerned with this policy?   This announcement has been analyzed to be a move for Sunak to appeal to the older Tory electorate especially with the Right dividing itself with the upcoming elections. Why the national service? Aligning with Conservative values such as the strengthening of a nation is key to winning over certain electorate demographics. A 2024 YouGov Survey on this very subject underlines the statistics.   Older Conservative individuals surveyed prevail as those who support this proposition. This demographic seems to view national service as a solution to bridging the generational and ideological divide, fostering a stronger connection to declining national identity and traditional values amongst youth. Only 10% of 18 to 24-year-olds strongly support national service. The data is clear on who Sunak made this promise to.  Criticisms from Military and Political Figures   Former military chiefs and Conservative figures (Admiral Alan West, former Chief of the Naval Staff & Michael Portillo, a former defense secretary amongst others) have been particularly vocal in their opposition, amidst an underfunded defense budget unable to maintain or even enhance the current professional armed forces. Fiscal responsibility and overall public demands on more pressing needs seemed to antagonize what Sunak’s campaigning agenda put forth with this announcement.  Imposing an underfunded government brand the inclusion of tens or hundreds of thousands of untrained teenage volunteers would strain the armed forces with no benefits or better funding in sight.  The policy is unlikely to be successful without first solving rooted structural issues in this institution.  Political and Public Reactions This announcement, characterized as optimistic electoral opportunism, is undefendable regarding the statistics and insights available to politicians on the current situation and views of UK Youth. (Richard Dannatt, former Chief of the General Staff) A sensible policy measure is needed rather. Fixing the current state of defense and further down the line, establishing a dialogue with youth on how to build a sense of civic identity with these generations who did not experience mandatory military service, most likely for the best, many agree on.  John Healey, Labour Candidate and Shadow Defense Secretary stated, ‘The Conservative made recruitment crisis is just one example of their failure in defense for 14 years.’  Conservative ministers during this past decade in power have repeatedly missed recruitment targets, leading the British Army to its smallest since the 1800s. (UK Defence Journal, 2023) Returning to the disconnect, lack of consensus, and strategic planning from within the Conservative Party, some Tory MPs applauded this policy as a bold and smart move, it was vastly acknowledged as very poorly communicated which sparked confusion and skepticism about the very foundation of this idea.  Broader Implications and Risks   The broader implications of Sunak’s proposal extend beyond immediate financial and logistical concerns. This initiative blatantly displays Sunak’s critical and somewhat impulsive political moves to appeal to more right-wing voters and respond to political pressures. The rise of parties like Reform UK has divided the Right and the Conservatives have seemingly resorted to more radical measures to try and reclaim voters. Alongside this, a more general fear and questioning has been brought up in light of geopolitical tensions, some seeing this push for more military conscription as the prediction of future conflicts and the use of national services as a tool for future military actions.   How will this impact the armed forces in practice? Financially, the proposal is contentious. The estimated minimum £2.5 billion annual cost by the end of the decade of the program alarmed many. In addition, the training of 10,000 volunteers would require additional officers, leading to this project costing much more. Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Defence Andrew Murrison also highlighted the risk of unmotivated recruits being mixed with committed professionals, damaging morale, recruitment, or retention. This goal of bringing purpose and pride to their nation to 18-year-olds seems counterproductive considering the compulsory nature of the new system.   Societal Impact   The societal impact of the proposal reflects Conservative priorities. The fundamental motivation behind this promise Sunak made, was not to benefit younger voters but rather to please, target and rally votes from older generations. Young people typically unfairly feel to a deeper extent where UK society’s flaws come to light, underfunded education, cost of living crisis, and oversaturation of the workforce. Rather than addressing these issues through more effective or inclusive policies, 12 months of state-mandated national service or ‘compulsory volunteering’ does not prevail as the most thorough plan to help the youth. And perhaps, it was never meant to be. The youngest generation entering the electorate is predicted to vote Labour to an overwhelming extent. Rishi Sunak has already lost this battle of connecting with a youth who does not feel heard by the Conservatives.   Conclusion    To conclude, the overwhelming criticism of Sunak’s proposal for mandatory national services has sparked discussions in a diverse sphere of societal issues the UK faces. As Conservatives continue navigating this issue, criticisms regarding

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